
$ 




<>r M l : Mr vt;oPaimv . 

from lA.vai.ua A'^t Z^/iv^^Gambja 
ft» Silla. vtttke 11 1 ivrJoLiba pr2$i*$p 
With hivvetxxim bv the StmtheMt R<nit< 

fo? Pi .s aui a . 
Compiled /Wm M*B*i& j ()l>>vet*ratwn**. 



IN THE 

INTERIOR DISTRICTS OF AFRICA s 

PERFORMED UNDER THE* 

DIRECTION AND PATRONAGE 

OF THE 

AFRICAN ASSOCIATION, 

IN THE YEARS 179/, 1796, AND 1797. 

by MUNGO PARK, surgeon, 

WITH 

AN APPENDIX, 

CONTAINING, 

GEOGRAPHICAL ILLUSTRATIONS OF AFRICA. 
by MAJOR RENNELL. 

egens Libyje deserta peragro. Vine 

NEW- YORK : 
PUBLISHED BY EVERT DUYCKINCK, 

NO. 102, PEARL* STREET. 
J. ORAM, PRINTER. 



1813. 



Td THE 

It NOBLEMEN AND GENTLEMEN, 

< 

ASSOCIATED FOR THE PURPOSE OF EXPLORING 

THE 

INTERIOR REGIONS OF AFRICA, 

THIS 

JOURNAL OF TRAVELS, 

ON THAT CONTINENT, 
PERFORMED UNDER THEIR PATRONASE3 

is, 

WITH ALL HUMILITY, 

INSCRIBED, 
BY THEIR FAITHFUL 
AND OBLIGED HUMBLE SERVANT, 

MUNGO PARK. 

April 10, 1799; 



PREFACE. 



THE following journal, drawn up from original minutes 
aad notices made at the proper moment, and preserved with 
great difficulty, is now offered to the public by the direction 
of my noble and honorable employers, the Members of the 
African Association. I regret that it is so little commen- 
surate to the patronage I have received. As a composition, 
it has nothing to recommend it, but truth. It is a plain, un- 
varnished tale, without pretensions of any kind, except that 
it claims to enlarge, in some degree, the circle of African 
geography. For this purpose, my services were offered, 
and accepted by the Association ; and, I trust, I have not la- 
bored altogether in vain. The work, how r ever must speak 
for itself; and I should not have thought any preliminary 
observations necessary, if I did not consider myself called 
upon, both by justice and gratitude, to offer those which 
follow. 

Immediately after my return from Africa, the acting 
Committee of the Association,* taking notice of the time it 
would require to prepare an account in detail, as it now ap- 
pears ; and being desirous of gratifying, as speedily as pos- 
sibly, the curiosity which many of the members were pleas- 
ed to express concerning my discoveries, determined that 

epitome, or abridgment, of my travels, should be forth- 
with prepared from such materials and oral communica- 

* This committee consists of the following noblemen and gentle- 
men ; Earl of Moira ; Lord Bishop of LandafF ; Right Hon. Sir Jo- 
seph Banks, President of the Royal Society : Andrew Stewart, Esq. 
F. R. S. and Bryan Edwards, Esq. F. R. S. Concerning the original 
institution of the Society itself, and the progress of discovery, previ- 
ous to my expedition, the fullest information already has been given 
m the various publications which the Society haye caused to bcmader 

A 2 



vi > PREFACE. 



tions as I could furnish, and printed for the use of the As- 
sociation ; and also, that an engraved map of my route should 
accompany it. A memoir, thus supplied and improved, 
■was accordingly drawn up in two parts, by members of the 
Association, and distributed among the Society ; the first 
part consisting of a narrative, in abstract, of my travels, by 
Bryan Edwards, Esq F. R. S.; the second, of Geographi- 
cal Illustrations of my progress, by Major James Rennell, 
E. R. S. Major Rennell was pleased also to add, not only 
a map, of my route, constructed in conformity to my own 
observation and sketches (when freed from those errors, 
which the Major's superior knowledge and distinguished 
accuracy in geographical researches, enabled him to dis- 
cover and correct) but also a general map,* shewing the 
progress of discovery and improvement in the geography 
of North Africa; together with a chart of the lines of mag* 
netfc variation, in the seas around that immense continent. 

Availing myself therefore, on the present occasion, of as- 
sistance like this, it is impossible that I can present myself 
before the public, without expressing, how deeply and 
gratefully sensible I am of the honor and advantage which 
I derived from the labors of those Gentlemen ; for Mr. Ed- 
wards has kindly permitted me to incorporate, as occasion 
offered, the whole of his narrative into different parts of my 
work, and Major Rennell, with equal good will, allows me, 
not only to embellish and elucidate my Travels, with the 
maps before mentioned, but also to subjoin his Geographi- 
cal Illustrations entire. 

Thus aided and encouraged, I should deliver this volume 
to the world, with that confidence of a favorable reception, 
•which no merits of my own could authorize me to claim; 
•were I not apprehensive that expectations have been form- 
ed, by some of my subscribers, of discoveries to be unfold- 
ed, which I have not made, and of wonders to be related, of 
which I am utterly ignorant. There is danger that those 
who feel a disappointment of this nature, finding less to as- 
tonish and amuse in my book, than they had promised to 
themselves beforehand, will not even allow me the little 
merit which I really possess. Painful as this circumstance 
may prove to. my feelings, I shall console myself under it, if 

* This map with the chart of the lines of magnetic variation are 
omitted in this edition. 



PREFACE. 



the distinguished persons, under whose auspices I entered 
on my mission, shall allow, that I have executed the duties 
of it to their satisfaction, and that they consider the journal 
which I have now the honor to present to them, to be, what 
I have endeavored to make it, an honest and faithful report 
of my proceedings and observations in their service, from 
the outset of my journey to its termination. 

M, P. 



CONTENTS. 



CHAP. I. 

THE Author's motives for undertaking the voyage. His 
instructions and departure. Arrival at Jillifree on the 
Gambia. Proceeds to Vintain. Account of the Feloops. 
Proceeds to Jonkakonda. Arrival at Dr. Laidley's. Ac- 
count of Pisania and the British factory at that place. 
The Author's employment during his stay at Pisania. 
His sickness and recovery. The description of the 
country, &c. 

CHAP. II. 

Description of the Feloops, the Jaloffs, the Foulahs, and 
the M an din goes . A ccount of the trade between Europe 
and XFrica by the way of the Gambia, and between the 
native inhabitants of the coast and the nations of the inte- 
rior countries: Their mode of selling and buying, 8cc. 

CHAP. III. 

The Author leaves Pisania; his attendants. He reaches 
Jindey. Story related by a Mandingo negro. Proceeds 
to Medina, the capital of Woolli. Interview with the 
King. Saphies or charms. Proceeds to Kolor* Des- 
cription of Mumbo Jumbo; arrives at Koojar; wrestling 
match. Crosses the wilderness, and arrives at Tallika, 
in the Kingdom of Bondou, Sec. 

CHAP. IV. 

Account of the inhabitants of Tallika. The Author pro- 
ceeds for Fatteconda; incidents on the road. Crosses 
the Neriko ; arrives at Koorkarony ; reaches the Faleme ; 
fishery on that river ; proceeds along its banks to Naye, 
or Nayemow ; crosses the Faleme and arrives at Fatte- 
conda. Interview with Almami, Sovereign of Bondou ; 
description of the King's dwellings second interview 



10. CONTENTS. 

with the King, who begs the Author's eoat. The 
thor visits the King's wives ; is permitted to depart on 
friendly terms. Journey by night. Arrives at Joag. 
Account of Bondou and its inhabitants the Foulahs, Sec. 
CHAP. V. 

Account of Kajaaga. Serawoollies ; their manners and lan- 
guage. Account of Joag. The Author is ill treated and 
robbed of half of his effects by order of the King. Cha- 
rity of a female slave. The Author is visited by Demba 
Sego, nephew of the King of Kasson, who offers to con- 
duct him in safety to Kasson. The Author and Demba 
set out with a numerous retinue, and reach Samee on the 
banks of the Senegal ; proceeds to Kayee, and crossing 
the Senegal, arrive in the kingdom of Kasson. 
CHAP. VI. 

Arrival of Teesee. Interview with Tiggity Sego the King's 
brother. Detention at Tessee : Account of that place 
and its inhabitants : Incidents which occurred there. 
Rapacious conduct of Tiggity Sego on the Author's de- 
parture. Proceeds for Kooniakary, the capital of the 
kingdom; incidents on the road and arrival there, Etc. 
CHAP. VII. 

The Author is admitted to an audience of the King of Kas- 
son, whom he finds well disposed towards him. Inci- 
dents during the author's stay at Kooniakary. Departs 
thence for Kemmoo, the capital of Kaarta. Is received 
with great kindness by the King of Kaarta, who dissuades 
him from prosecuting his journey, on account of ap- 
proaching hostilities with the King of Bambarra. The 
Author determines to proceed ; and takes the path to 
Ludamur, a Moorish kingdom ; is accommodated by the 
King with a guide to Jarra, the frontier town of the 
Moorish territories, and proceeds for that place, accom- 
panied by three of the King's sons and two hundred 
horsemen. 

CHAP. VIII. 

Journey from Kemmoo to Funinghedy. Some account of 
the Lotus. A youth murdered by the Moors ; interest- 
ing scene at his death. Author passes through Simbing. 
Some particulars respecting Major Houghton. Reaches 
Jarra. Situation of the surrounding States, and an acW 
count of the war between Kaarta and Bambara, &c. 



CONTENTS. 



CHAP. IX. 

Account of Jarra and the Moorish inhabitants. The Au- 
thor obtains permission from Ali, the Moorish Chief or 
Sovereign of Ludamur, to pass through his territories. 
Leaves Jarra and arrives at Deeda: is ill treated by the 
Moors; proceeds to Sampaka: finds a negro who makes / 
gunpowder. Continues his journey to Samee, where he 
is seized by some Moors, who are sent for that purpose 
by Ali, and he is conveyed a prisoner to the Moorish 
camp at Benowm, on the borders of the Great Desert. 
CHAP. X. 

Various occurrences during the Author's confinement at 
Benowrrf ; he is visited by some Moorish ladies. A fu- 
neral and a wedding; he receives an extraordinary pre- 
sent from the bride. Incidents illustrative of the Moorish, 
character and manners. 

CHAP. XI. 

Occurrences at the camp continued. Information collected 
by the Author concerning Houssa and Tombuctoo ; and 
the situation of the latter. Route from Morocco to Be- 
nowm. Author's distress from hunger. Ali removes 
his camp. The Author carried prisoner to the new en- 
campment, and is presented to Fatima the Queen. Great 
distress from the want of water. 

CHAP. XII. 

Further miscellaneous reflections on the Moorish manners 
and character. Observations on the Great Desert; its 
animals, wild and domestic, &c. &c. 

CHAP. XIII. 

Ali departs for Jarra ; the Author is allowed to follow him 
thither. The Author's faithful servant, Demba, is seiz- 
ed by Ali's order, and sent back into slavery. Ali re- 
turns to his camp, and permits the Author to remain at 
Jarra, who meditates his escape. Daisy, King of Kaarta, 
approaching with his army towards Jarra; the inhabitants 
quit the town, and the Author with them. A party of 
Moors overtake him at Queira ; he gets away from them ; 
is again pursued by another party, and is robbed, but fi- 
nally effects his escape. 

CHAP. XIV. 

The Author feels great joy at his deliverance, and proceeds 



12 



CONTENTS. 



through the wilderness, but finds his situation very deplo- 
rable ; suffers greatly from thirst ; faints on the sands ; reco- 
vers, and makes efforts to push forward ; is relieved by 
rain, and arrives at a Eoulah village, where he is refused 
relief by the Dooty, but obtains food from a poor woman. 
Proceeds through the wilderness, and lights on another 
Foulah village, where he is hospitably received by the 
shepherds. Arrives at a negro town called Wawra, &c. 
CHAP. XV. 

The Author proceeds to Wassiboo ; is joined by fugitive 
Kaartans. Discovers the Niger. Account of Sego, the 
capital of Bambarra. Mansong, the King, refuses to see 
the Author, but sends him a present. Great hospitality 
of a negro woman, &c. 

CHAP. XVI. 

Departs from Sego and arrives at Kabba. Description of 
the Shea, or vegetable butter tree. Arrives at Sansand- 
ing. Behaviour of the Moors at that place. Pursues 
his journey east. Incidents on the road. Arrives at Mo- 
diboo, and proceeds for Kea, but is obliged to leave his 
horse by the way. Embarks at Kea in a fisherman's 
canoe for Moorzan ; is conveyed from thence across the 
Niger to Silla. Account of the Niger and the towns in 
its vicinage, Sec 

CHAP. XVII. 
The Author returns westward, arrives at Modiboo, and re- 
covers his horse. He is informed that the King of Bam- 
barra had sent persons to apprehend him ; avoids Sego, 
and proceeds along the banks of the Niger. Incidents 
on the road. Cruelties attendant on African wars. Cros- 
ses the river Frina, and arrives at Taffara, &c. 

CHAP. XVIII. 
Inhospitable reception at Taffara. A negro funeral at Sookp, 
Continues the route along the banks of the Niger through 
several villages, till he comes to Koolikorro. Supports 
himself by writing Safihies. Reaches Mariboo; loses 
the road ; and after many difficulties arrives at Bamma- 
koo. Meets with great kindness at Kooma ; but is after- 
wards stripped and robbed by banditti. Resource and 
consolation under exquisite distress. 



CONTENTS. 



T3 



CHAP. XIX. 

Government of Manding. Reception of 'the Mansa, or v 
chief man of Sibidooloo, who takes measures for the re- 
covery of his horse, Sec. Removes to Wanda; great 
scarcity and its afflicting consequences. Recovers his 
horse and clothes. Proceeds to Kamalia. Account of 
Kamalia. Kind reception by Karfa Taure, who propo- 
ses to go to the^Gambia with a caravan of slaves, 

CHAP. XX. 

Of the climate and seasons. Winds. Vegetable produc- 
tions. Population. General observations on the char- 
acter and disposition of the Mandingoes ; and a summa- 
ry account of their manners, habits of life, their mar- 
riages, Sec. Sec. 

CHAP. XXI. 

Account of the Mandingoes continued. Their notions 
concerning the planetary bodies and figure of the earthu 
Religious opinions. Diseases and methods of treatment- 
ment. Funeral ceremonies. Amusements, Sec. 
CHAP. XXII. 

Observations on the state and sources of slavery in Africa. 
CHAP. XXIII. 

Of gold dust, and the manner in which it is collected. 
Process of washing it. Its value in Africa. Of ivory. 
Modes of hunting the elephant. Reflections on the un- 
improved state of the country, Sec. 

CHx\P. XXIV. 

Transactions at Kamalia resumed. Arabic MSS. in use^ 
among the Mahomedan negroes. Reflections concern- 
ing the conversation and education of the negro children. 
Return of the Authors benefactor, Karfa. Further ac- 
count of the purchase and treatment of slaves. Fast of 
Rhamadan how observed. Author's anxiety for the day 

c of departure. The caravan sets out. Account of it, and i 
proceedings on the road. Arrival at Kinytakooroo. 
CHAP. XXV. 

The Coffle crosses the Jallonka wilderness. Miserable 
fate of one of the female slaves. Arrives at Sooseta ; 
proceeds to Manna. Account of the Jalonkas. Crosses 
the Senegal. Bridge of a singular construction. Ar- 

B 



14 



CONTENTS. 



rives at Melacotta. Remarkable conduct of the King of 
the Jaloffs, &c. 

CHAP. XXVI. 
The Caravan proceeds to the Konkodoo and crosses the 
Faleme River. Arrival at several places. Incidents on 
the way. A matrimonial case. The Caravan proceeds 
through many towns and villages, and arrives on the 
4)anks of the Gambia ; passes through Medina, the capi- 
tal of Woolli, and finally stops at Jindey. The author 
proceeds to Pisania. Various occurrences previous to 
liis departure from Africa. His passage in an Ameri- 
can ship. Short account of his voyage to Great Britain, 
A>y the way of the West-Indies, &c. 



CONTENT^. 



.15 



APPENDIX. 



CHAK I. 

Concerning the ideas entertained by the ancient Geogra- 
phers as well as moderns, down to the time of Delisle 
and D'Anville, respecting the course of the river Niger, 
CHAP. II. 
Geographical discoveries of Mr. Park. 

CHAP. III. 

Construction of the Geography of Mr. Park's expedition in- 
to Africa. 

CHAP. IV. 
The construction of the Geography continued* 
CHAP. V. 

Construction of the new map of North Africa. New ar- 
rangements of the course of the Nile. Its distant foun- 
tain yet unexplored by Europeans. A central position in 
Africa determined. Esdrisi's line of distance consistent. 
Errors of Leo. 

CHAP. VI. 

The subject continued. Course of the river Niger at large { 
has no communication with the Nile. Ptolemy's des~ 
cription of it consistent. 

CHAP. VII. 

Observations on the physical and political Geography of " 
North Africa ; naturally divisible into three parts; produc- 
tive in gold. Boundary of the Moors and negroes. The 
Foulahs the Lenceathiopes of the ancients, 



The following African Words, recurring very frequent* 
ly in the course of the narrative y it is thought necessary to 
prefix an explanation of them for the reader's conven* 
ience. 

Mansa. A king or chief governor. 

Alkaid. The head magistrate of a town or province, whose 
office is commonly hereditary. 

Booty. Another name for the chief magistrate of a town 
or province : This word is used only in the interior coun- 
tries. 

Palaver. A court of justice; a public meeting of any 1 
kind. 

Bushreen. A mussulman. 

Kafir. A pagan native ; an unbeliever. 

Smak-ee. Another term for an unconverted native ; it sig* 

nines one who drinks strong liquors, and is used by way 

of reproach. 

Slatees. Free black merchants, who trade chiefly in slaves, 

Coffle or Caffila. A caravan of slaves, or a company of peo- 
ple travelling with any kind of merchandize. 

Bar. Nominal money ; a single bar is equal in value to 
two shillings sterling, or thereabouts. 

JSIinkalli. A quantity of gold, nearly equal in value to ten 
• shillings. 

Xowries. Small shells, which pass for money in the inte- 
rior. 

Korree. A watering-place, where shepherds keep their 
cattle. 

Bentang. A sort of stage, erected in every town, answer* 

ingthe purpose of a town hall. 
Baioon. A room in which strangers are commonly lodged* 
Soofroo. A skin for containing water. 
Safihie. An amulet or charm. 
Kouskous. A dish prepared from boiled corn. 
Shea-toulou. Vegetable butter. 

Calabash. A species of gourd, of which the negroes make 

bowls and dishes. 
Piddle. A sort of a hoe used in husbandry. 



TRAVELS 



IN THE 

INTERIOR OF AFRICA. 



CHAPTER I. 

The Author's Motives for undertaking the Voyage — Ms In* 
struct ions and Departure — arrives at Jillifree^ on the 
Gambia River — proceeds to Vintain. — Some Account of 
the Feloops.— Proceeds up the River for Jonkakonda— 
arrives at Dr. Laidley's. — Some Account of Pisania r 
and the British Factory established at that Place. — The 
Author's Employment during his stay at Pisania — his 
Sickness and Recovery — the Country described — pre- 
pares to set out for the Interior, 

SOON after my return from the East Indies in 1793, hav- 
ing learnt that the Noblemen and Gentlemen, associated 
for the purpose of prosecuting Discoveries in the Interior 
of Africa, were desirous of engaging a person to explore 
that Continent, by the way of the Gambia River, I took oc- 
casion, through means of the President of the Royal Socie- 
ty, to whom I had the honour to be known, of offering my- 
self for that service. I had been informed, that a gentle- 
man of the name of Houghton, a Captain in the army, and 
formerly Fort-Major at Goree, had already sailed to the 
Gambia, under the direction of the Association, and that 
there was reason to apprehend he had fallen a sacrifice to 
the climate, or perished m some contest with the natives; 
but this intelligence, instead of deterring me from my pur- 
pose, animated me to persist in the offer of my services - 
with the greater solicitude. I had a passionate desire to 
examine into the productions ef a country so little known 5 . 
and to become experimentally acquainted with the modes 
of life, and character of the natives. I knew that I was 
able to bear fatigue ; and I relied on my youth, and the 
strength of my constitution, to preserve rne from the effects 

a 2 



18 



TRAVELS IN THE 



of the climate. The salary which the Committee allowed 
was sufficiently large, and I made no stipulation for future 
reward. If I should perish in my journey, I was willing 
that my hopes and expectations should perish with me ; and 
if I should succeed in rendering the geography of Africa 
more familiar to my countrymen, and in opening to their 
ambition and industry new sources of wealth, and new chan- 
nels of commerce, I knew that I was in the hands of men 
of honour, who would not fail to bestow that remuneration 
which my successful services should appear to them to 
merit. The Committee of the Association, having made 
such enquiries as they thought necessary, declared them- 
selves satisfied with the qualifications that I possessed, and 
accepted me for the service ; and with that liberality which 
on all occasions distinguishes their conduct, gave me every 
encouragement which it was in their power to grant, or 
wfiich I could with propriety ask. 

It was at first proposed that I should accompany Mr. 
James Willis, who was then recently appointed Consul at 
Senegambia, and whose countenance in that capacity it was 
thought might have served and protected me ; but Govern- 
ment afterwards rescinded his appointment, and I lost that 
advantage. The kindness of the Committee, however sup- 
plied ail that was necessary. Being favoured by the Sec- 
retary of the Association, the late Henry Beaufoy, Esq. 
with a recommendation to Dr. John Laidley, (a gentleman 
who had resided many years at an English factory on the 
Banks of the Gambia,) and furnished with a letter of credit 
on him for 200/. I took my passage in the brig Endeavour, 
a small vessel trading to the Gambia for bees wax and 
Ivory, commanded by Captain Richard Wyatt, and I became 
impatient for my departure. 

My instructions were very plain and concise. I was di- 
rected, on my arrival in Africa, " to pass onto the river Ni- 
ger, either by the way of Bambouk, or by such other route 
as should be found most convenient. That I should ascer- 
tain the course, and if possible, the rise and termination of 
that river. That: I should use my utmost exertions to visit 
the principal towns or cities in its neighbourhood, particu- 
larly Tombuctoo and Houssa ; and that I should be after- 
wards at liberty to return to Europe, either by the way of 
QambiaJor by such other route, as under all the then ex^si- 



interior of africa. 



19 



ing circumstances of my situation and prospects, should 
appear to me to be most advisable." 

We sailed from Portsmouth on the 22d day of May, 
1795. On the 4th of June, we saw the mountains over 
Pvlogadore, on the coast of Africa ; and on the 21st of the 
same month, after a pleasant voyage of thirty days, we an- 
chored at Jillifree, a town on the northern bank of the river 
Gambia, opposite to James's Island,, where the English had 
formerly a small fort. 

The kingdom of Barra, in which the town of Jillifree is 
situated, produces great plenty of the necessaries of life ; but 
the chief trade of the inhabitants is in salt ; which com- 
modity they carry up the river in canoes as high as Barra- 
conda, and bring down In return Indian corn, cotton cloths, 
elephant's teeth, small quantities of gold dust, &c. The 
number of canoes and people constantly employed in this 
trade, makes the King of Barra more formidable to Euro- 
peans than other Chieftian on the river;- and this circum- 
stance probably encouraged him to establish those exor- 
bitant duties, which traders of all nations are obliged to pay 
at entry, amounting to nearly 20/. on every vessel, great 
and small. These duties, or customs, are generally col- 
lected in person by the Alkaid, or Governor of Jillifree, 
and he is attended on these occasions by a numerous train 
of dependants, among whom are found many, who, by their 
frequent intercourse with the English, have acquired a smat- 
tering of our language; but they are commonly very noisy, 
and very troublesome ; begging for every thing they fancy 
with such earnestness and importunity, that traders, in order 
to get quit of them, are frequently obliged to grant their 
requests. 

On the 23d we departed from Jillifree, and proceeded to 
Vintain, a town situated about two miles up a creek on the 
southern side of the river. This place is much resorted 
toby Europeans, on account of the great quantities of bees 
w r ax which are brought hither for sale ; The wax is col- 
lected in the woods by the Feloops, a wild and unsociable 
race of people ; their country, which is of considerable ex- 
tent, abounds in rice : and the natives supply the traders^ 
both on the Gambia and Cassamansa rivers with that ar- 
ticle, and also with goats and poultry, on very reasonable 
terms. The honey which they collect is chiefly used by 
themselves in making a strong intoxicating liquor, much 



20 



TRAVELS IN THE 



the same as the mead which is produced from honey ia 
Great-Britain. 

In their traffic with Europeans, the Feloops generally em- 
ploy a factor, or agent, of the Mandin go nation, who speaks 
a little English, and is acquainted with the trade of the ri- 
ver. This broker makes the bargain: and, with the con- 
nivance of the European, receive a certain part only of the 
payments which he gives to his employer as the whole; 
the remainder (which is very truly called the cheating mo- 
ney} he receives when the Feloop is gone, and appropriates 
to himself, as a reward for his trouble. 

The language of the Feloops is appropriate and pecu- 
liar ; and as their trade is chiefly conducted, as hath been 
observed, by Mandingoes, the Europeans have no induce- 
ment to learn it. The numerals are as follows : 

Fnory. 

Sickabci) or Cookaba* 
Sisajee. 
Sihakeer. 
Footuck. 
Footuck- Enory* 
Footuck- Cookaba. 
Footuck-Sisajee. 
Footuck- Sibakeer. 
Sibankonyen. 

On the 26th we left Vintain, and continued our course 
up the river, anchoring whenever the tide failed us, and 
frequently towing the vessel with the boat. The river is 
deep and muddy ; the banks are covered with impenetrable 
thickets of mangrove; and the whole ofthe adjacent coun- 
try appears to be flat and swampy. 

The Gambia abounds with fish, some species of which 
are excellent food; but none of. them that I recollect are 
known in Europe. At the entrance, from the sea, sharks 
are found in great abundance ; and, higher up, alligators 
and the hippopotamus (or river horse) are very numerous. 
The latter might with more propriety be called the river- 
elephant, being of an enormous and un wieldly bulk, and his 
teeth furnishes good ivory. This animal is amphibious, 
with short and thick legs, and cloven hoffs ; it feeds on grass, 
and such shrubs as the banks of the river afford, hougta-cf 



One 

Two 

Three 

Four 

Five 

Six 

Seven 

Eight 

Nine 

Ten — 



INTERIOR OF AFRICA. 



21 



trees, kc. seldom venturing far from the water, in which it 
seeks refuge on hearing the approach of man. I have seen 
many, and always found them of a timid and inoffensive dis- 
position. 

In six days after leaving .V in tain, we reached Jonkakon- 
da, a place of considerable trade, where our vessel was to 
take in part of her lading. The next morning, the several 
European traders came from their different factories to re- 
ceive their letters, and learn the nature and amount of the 
cargo ; and the captain dispatched a messenger to Dr. Laid- 
ley to inform him of my arrival. He came to Jonkakonda 
the morning following, when I delivered him Mr. Beau- 
iby's letter, and he gave me a kind invitation to spend my 
time at his house until an opportunity should offer of pro- 
secuting my journey. This invitation was too acceptable to 
be refused, and being furnished by the Doctor with a horse 
and guide, I set out from Jonkakonda at day break on the 
5th of July, and at eleven o'clock arrived at Pisania, where 
I was accommodated with a room and other conveniences in 
the Doctor's house. 

Pisania is a small village in the King of Yany's dominions, 
established by British subjects as a factory for trade, and 
inhabited solely by them and their black servants. It is sit- 
uated on the banks of the Gambia, sixteen miles from Jon- 
kakonda. The white residents, at the time of my arrival 
there, consisted only of Dr. Laidley, and two gentlemen 
who were brothers^ of the name of Ansley; but their do- 
mestics were numerous. They enjoyed perfect security 
under the king's protection, and being highly esteemed and 
respected by the natives at large, wanted no accommoda- 
tion or comfort which the country could supply ; and the 
greatest part of the trade in slaves, ivory and gold, was hi 
their hands. 

Being now settled for some time at my ease, my first ob- 
ject was to learn the Mandingo tongue, being the language 
in almost general use throughout this part of Africa; and 
without which I was fully convinced, that I never could ac- 
quire an extensive knowledge of the country or its inhabi- 
tants. In this pursuit I was greatly assisted by Dr. Laidley, 
who, by a long residence in the country, and constant in- 
tercourse with the natives, had made himself completely 
master of it. Next to the language, my great object was 
to collect information concerning the countries I intended 



2% 



TRAVELS IN THE. 



to visit. On this occasion I was referred to certain tradeo 
called Slatees. These are free black merchani of great 
consideration in this part of Africa, who come aown from 
the interior countries, chiefly with enslaved negroes for 
sak ; but I soon discovered that very little dependence 
could be placed on the accounts which they gave ; for they 
cc ltradicted each other in the most important particulars, 
and all of them seemed extremely unwilling that I should 
prosecute my journey. These circumstances increased my 
anxiety to ascertain the truth from my own personal obser- 
vation. 

In researches of this kind, and in observing the manners 
and customs of the natives, in a country so little known to 
the nations of Europe, and furnished with so many striking 
and uncommon objects of nature, my time passed not un- 
pleasantly ; and I began to flatter myself that I had escap- 
ed the fever, or seasoning, to which Europeans, on their 
first arrival in hot climates, are generally subject. But on 
the 31st of July, I imprudently exposed myself to the night 
dew, in observing an eclipse of the moon, with a view to 
determine the longitude of the place : The next day I found 
myself attacked with a smart fever and delirium ; and such 
an illness followed, as confined me to the house during the 
greatest part of August. My recovery was very slow ; but 
I embraced every short interval ef convalescence to walk 
out, and make myself acquainted with the productions of 
the country. In one of those excursions, having rambled 
farther than usual, in a hot day, I brought on a return of my 
fever, and on the 10th of September I was again confined to 
my bed. The fever however, was not so violent as before ; 
and in the course of three weeks I was able, when the 
weather would permit, to renew my botanical excursions ; 
and when it rained, I amused myself with drawing plants* 
&c. in my chamber. The care and attention of Dr. Laidley 
contributed greatly to alleviate my sufferings ; his compa- 
ny and conversation beguiled the tedious hours during that 
gloomy season when the rain falls in torrents ; when suffo- 
cating heats oppress by day, and when the night is spent by 
the terrified traveller, in listening to the croaking of frogs 
(of which the numbers are beyond imagination,) the shrill 
cry of the jackall, and the deep howling of the hysena; a 
dismal concert, interrupted only by the roar of such tremen- 



INTERIOR OF AFRICA. 



dous thunder, as no person can form a conception of but 
those who 1 ave heard it. 

The co s "try itself being an immense level, and very 
generally covered with woods, presents a tiresome and 
gloomy uniformity to the eye ; but although nature has de- 
nied to the inhabitants the beauties of romantic landscapes, 
she has bestowed on them, with a liberal hand, the more 
important blessings of fertility and abundance. A little 
attention to cultivation procures a sufficiency of corn ; the 
fields afford a rich pasturage for cattle ; and the natives are 
plentifully supplied with excellent fish, both from the Gam- 
bia river and the Walli creek. 

The grains which are chiefly cultivated are Indian corn, 
{ zeamays ) ; two kinds of holcus sfiieatus^ called by the 
natives soono and sanio ; holcus nigar, and holcus bicolor ; 
the former of which they have named hassi woolima, and 
the latter bassiqui. These, together with rice, are raised 
in considerable quantities ; besides which, the inhabitants 
In the vicinity of the towns and villages, have gardens which 
produce onions, calavances, yams, cassavi, ground-nuts, 
pompions, gourds, water melons, and some other esculent 
plants. 

I observed likewise, near towns, the small patches of cot- 
ton and indigo. The former of these articles supplies 
them with clothing, and with the latte-r they dye their cloth 
of an excellent blue colour, in a manner that will hereafter 
be described. 

In preparing their corn for food, the natives use a large 
wooden motar, called a fialoon, in which they bruise the 
iseed until it parts with the outer covering, or husk, which 
is then separated from the clean corn, by exposing it to the 
wind;. nearly in the same manner as wheat is cleared from 
the chaff in England. The corn, thus freed from the husk, 
is returned to the mortar, and beaten into meal ; which is 
dressed variously in different countries ; but the most com- 
mon preparation of it among the nations of the ^Gambia, is 
a sort of pudding, which they call kouskous. It is made 
by first moistening the flour with water, and then stiring 
and shaking it about in a large calabash, or gourd, till it 
adheres together in small granules, resembling sago. It is 
then put into an earthen pot, whose bottom is perforated 
with a number of small holes ; and this pot being placed 
upon another; the two vessels are luted together, either 



24 



TRAVELS IN THE 



with a paste of meal and water, or with cows dung, and 
placed upon the fire. In the lower vessel is commonly 
some animal food and water, the steam or vapour of which 
ascends through the perforations in the bottom of the up- 
per vessel, and softens and prepares the konskous^ which is 
very much esteemed throughout all the countries that I vi- 
sited. I am informed, that the same manner of preparing 
flour, is very generally used on the Barbary coast, and that 
the dish so prepared, is there called by the same name. It 
is therefore probable, that the Negroes borrowed the prac- 
tice from the Moors. 

For gratifying a taste for variety, another sort of pud- 
ding, called nealing, is sometimes prepared from the meal 
of corn ; and they have also adopted two or three different 
modes of dressing their rice. Of vegetable food, there- 
fore, the natives have no want ; and although the common 
class of people are but sparingly supplied with animal food, 
yet this article is not wholly withheld from them. 

Their domestic animals are nearly the same as in Eu- 
rope. Swine are found in the woods, but their flesh is not 
esteemed: Probably the marked abhorrence in which this 
animal is held by the votaries of Mahomet, has spread itself 
among the Pagans. Poultry of all kinds (the turkey ex- 
cepted) is every where to be had. The Guinea fowl and 
partridge abound in the fields; and the woods furnish a 
small species of antelope of which the venison is highly 
and deservedly prized. 

Of the other wild animals in the Mandingo countries, 
the most common are the hysena, the panther, and the ele- 
phant. Considering the use that is made of the latter in 
the East Indies, it may be thought extraordinary, that the 
natives of Africa have not, in any part of this immense con- 
tinent, acquired the skill of taming this powerful and docile 
creature, and applying his strength and faculties to the ser- 
vice of man. When I told some of the natives that this 
was actually done in the countries of the East, my auditors 
laughed me to scorn, and exclaimed, Tobaubo fonnio ! (a 
white man's lie.) The Negroes frequently find means to 
destroy the elephant by fire arms; they hunt it principally 
for the sake of the teeth, which they transfer in barter to 
those who sell them again to the Europeans. The flesh 
they eat, and consider it as a great delicacy. 

The usual beast of burthen in all the Negro territories, 



INTERIOR OF AFRICA. 



n 



is the ass. The application of animal labour to the purpo- 
ses of agriculture, is no where adopted ; the plough, there- 
fore, is wholly unknown. The chief implement used in hus- 
bandry is the hoc, which varies in form in different dis- 
tricts ; and the labour is universally performed by slaves. 

On the 6th of October the waters of the Gambia were at 
the greatest height, being fifteen feet above the high-water 
mark of the tide ; after which they began to subside; at 
first slowly, but afterwards very rapidly ; sometimes sink- 
ing more than a foot in twenty-four hours: By the begin- 
ning of November the river had sunk to its former level, 
and the tide ebbed and flowed as usual. When the river 
had subsided, and the atmosphere grew dry, I recovered 
apace, and began to think of my departure ; for this is 
reckoned the most proper season for travelling: The na- 
tives had completed their harvest, and provisions were ev- 
ery were cheap and plentiful. 

Dr. Laidley was at this time employed in a trading voy- 
age at Jonkakonda. I wrote to him to desire that he would 
use his interest with the Slatees, or slave merchants, to pro- 
cure me the company and protection of the first coffle (or 
caravan) that might leave Gambia for the interior country; 
and in the mean time I requested him to purchase for me 
a horse and two asses. A few days afterwards the Doctor 
returned to Pisania, and informed me that a cofHe would 
certainly go for the interior, in the course of the dry sea- 
son ; but that, as many of the merchants belonging to it 
had not yet completed their assortment of goods, he could 
not say at what time they would set out. 

As the characters and dispositions of the Slatees, and 
people that composed the caravan, were entirely unknown 
to me, and as they seemed rather averse to my purpose, 
and unwilling to enter into any positive engagements on 
my account, and the time of their departure being withal 
very uncertain, I resolved, on further deliberation, to avail 
myself of the dry season, and proceed without them. 

Dr. Laidley approved my determination, and promised 
me every assistance in his power, to enable me to prose- 
cute my journey with comfort and safety. 

This resolution having been formed I made preparations 
accordingly. And now, being about to take leave of my 
hospitable friend, (whose kindness and solicitude conuuu- 



26 



TRAVELS IN THE 



ed to the moment of my departure*) and to quit, for many 
months, the countries bordering on the Gambia, it seems 
proper, before I proceed with my narrative, that I should, 
in this place, give some account of the several Negro na- 
tions which inhabit the banks of this celebrated river ; and 
the commercial intercourse that subsists between them, 
and such of the nations of Europe as find their advantage 
in trading to this part of Africa The observations which 
have occurred tome on both these subjects, will be found in 
the following chapter. 



CHAPTER II. 

JJescrijiiion of the Feloofis, the Jaloffs, the Foulahs, and the 
Mandingoes. Account of the trade between Europe and 
Africa by the way of the Gambia, and between the native 
inhabitants of the coast and the nations of the interior 
countries : Their mode of selling and buying, ifc, 

'J 1 HE natives of the countries bordering on the Gambia, 
though distributed into a great many distinct governments, 
may, I think, be divided into four great classes ; the Fe- 
loops, the Jaloffs, the Foulahs, and the Mandingocs. — 
Among all these nations, the religion of Mahomet has 
made, and continues to make, considerable progress ; but, 
in most of them, the body of the people, both free and en- 
slaved, persevere in maintaining the blind but harmless su- 
perstitions of their ancestors, and are called by the Maho- 
medans Kafirs, or infidels 

Of the Feloops, I have little to add to what has been ob- 
served concerning them in the former chapter. They are 
of a gloomy disposition, and are supposed never to forgive 
an injury. They are even said to transmit their quarrels as 
deadly feuds to their posterity ; insomuch, that a son con- 
siders it as incumbent on him, from a just sense of filial ob- 

* Dr. Laidley, to my infinite regret, has since paid the debt of nature. 
He left Africa" in the' latter end of 1797, intending to return to Great 
Britain by way of the West Indies ; and died soon after his arrival at 
Barbadoes, 



INTERIOR OF AFRICA. 



27 



ligation, to become the avenger of his deceased father's 
wrongs. If a man loses his life in one of those sudden 
quarrels, which perpetually occur at their feasts, when the 
whole party is intoxicated with mead, his son, or the eldest 
of his sons (if he has more than one) endeavours to procure 
his father's sandals, which he wears once a year, on the an- 
niversary cf his father's death, until a tit opportunity offers 
of revenging his fate, when the object of his resentment 
seldom escapes Ids pursuit. This fierce and unrelenting 
disposition is, however counterbalanced by many good quai- 
ties ; they display the utmost gratitude and affection to- 
wards their benefactors ; and the fidelity with which they 
preserve whatever is intrusted to them is remarkable. 
During the present war they have, more than once, taken 
up arms to defend our merchant vessels from French pri- 
vateers; and English property, of considerable value, has 
frequently been left at Vintain, for a long time, entirely un- 
der the care of the Feloops ; who have uniformly manifest- 
ed on such occasions the strictest honesty and punctuality. 
How greatly is it to be wished, that the minds of a people* 
so determined and faithful, could be softened and civilized, 
by the mild and benevolent spirit of Christianity. 

The Jaloffs (or YalofTs) are an active, powerful, and war- 
like race, inhabiting great part of that tract which lies be- 
tween the river Senegal, and the Mandingo States on the 
Gambia ; yet they differ from the Mandingoes, not only in 
language, but likewise in complexion and features. The 
noses of the Jaloffs are not so much depressed, nor the lips 
so protuberant, as among the generality of Africans; and al- 
though their skin is of the deepest black, they are consider- 
ed by the white traders, as the most sightly Negroes in this 
part of the continent. 

They are divided into several independent states or king- 
doms; which are frequently at war, either with their neigh- 
bours, or with each other. In their manners, superstitions* 
and governments, however, they have a greater resem- 
blance to the Mandingoes (of whom I shall presently speak) 
than to any other nation ; but excel them in the manufac- 
ture of cotton cloth; spinning the wool to a finer thread, 
weaving it in a broader loom, and dying it of a better col- 
our. 

Their language is said to be copious and significant; and 
is often learnt by Europeans trading to Senegal. I cannot 



;28 



TRAVELS IN THE 



say much of it from my own knowledge j but have preserv- 
ed their numerals, which are these: 



One Wean* 

Two Yar. 

Three Yat. 

Four Yanet. 

Five Judo m. 

Six ■ Judom Wean. 

Seven * Judom Yar. 

Eight Jadom Yat. 

Nine Judom Yanet. 

Ten Fook. 

Eleven Fook aug TVean y &c. 



The Foulahs (or Pholeys) such of them at least as reside 
near the Gambia, are chiefly of a tawny complexion, with 
soft silky hair, and pleasing features. They are much at- 
tached to a pastoral life, and have introduced themselves into 
the kingdoms on the windward coast, as herdsmen and 
husbandmen, paying a tribute to the sovereign of the coun- 
try for the lands which they hold. Not having many op- 
portunities however, during my residence at Pisania of im- 
proving my acquaintance with these people, I defer enter- 
ing at large into their character, until a fitter occasion oc- 
curs, which will present itself when I come to Bondou. 

The Man din goes, of whom it remains to speak, consti- 
tute in truth, the bulk of the inhabitants in all those dis- 
tricts of Africa which I visited ; and their language, with a 
few exceptions, is universally understood, and very gener- 
ally spoken, in that part of the continent. Their numerals 
are these :** 



One 


Killin. 


Two 


Foola. 


Three 


Sabba. 


Four — — 


Kani. 


Five ■ 


Loolo. 


Six 


IVoro. 



* In the Travels of Frnncis Moore the render will find a pretty copi- 
ous vocabulary of the Mandingo language, which in general is cor- 
rect. 



INTERIOR OF AFRICA. 



52 9 



Seven 



Orongio. 



Eight 



Sie. 

Con unfa. 
Tang. 

Tan tiirig Killing life. 



Nine 

Ten 

Eleven ■ 



They are called Mandingoes, I conceive, as having orig- 
inally migrated from the interior state of Manding, of 
which some account will hereafter be given ; but, contrary 
to the present constitution of their parent country, which is 
republican, it appeared to me, that the government in all 
the Mandingo states, near the Gambia, is monarchical. The 
power of the sovereign is, however, by no means- unlimited. 
In all affairs of importance, the king calls an assembly of 
the principal men, or eiders, by whose councils he is di- 
rected, and without whose advice he can neither declare 
war nor conclude peace. 

In every considerable town there is a chief magistrate, 
called the Alkaid^ whose office is hereditary, and whose bu- 
siness it is to preserve order, to levy duties on travellers, 
and to preside at all conferences in the exercise of local 
jurisdiction and the administration of justice. These courts 
are composed of the elders of the town (of free condition) 
and are termed palavers ; and their proceedings are conduct- 
ed in the open air with sufficient solcrnrfky. Both sides of a 
question are freely canvassed, witnesses are publicly ex- 
amined, and the decisions which follow, generally meet 
with the approbation of the surrounding audience. 

As the Negroes have no written language of their own. 
the general rule of decision is an appeal to ancient custom : 
but since the system of Mahomet has made so great pro- 
gress among them, the converts to that faith have grad- 
ually introduced with the religious tenets, many of the civil 
institutions of the Prophet ; and where the Koran is not 
found sufficiently explicit, recourse is had to a commentary 
called Al Sharra, containing, as I was told, a. complete ex- 
position or digest of the Mahomedan laws, both civil and 
criminal, properly arranged and illustrated. 

This freauency of appeal to written laws, with which 
the Pagan natives are necessarily unacquainted, has given, 
rise in their palavers to (what I little expected to find in 
Africa) professional advocates, or expounders of the law r 
who are allowed to appear and to plead for plaintiff or cle 



C 2 



.30 



TRAVELS IN THE 



fendant, much in the same manner as counsel in the law 
courts of Great-Britain. They are Mahomedan Negroes, 
v. ho have made, or affect to have made, the laws of the 
Prophet their peculiar study ; and if I may judge from their 
harrangues, which I frequently attended, I believe, that in 
the forensic qualifications of procrastination and cavil, and 
the arts of confounding and perplexing a cause, they are 
not always surpassed by the ablest pleaders in Europe. » 
While I was at Pisania,a cause was heard, which furnished 
the Mahomedan lawyers with an admirable opportunity of 
displaying their professional dexterity. The case was this : 
An ass belonging to a Serawoolli Negro (a native of an in- 
terior country near the river Senegal) had broke into a 
field of corn belonging to one of the Mandingo inhabitants, 
and destroyed great part it. The Mandingo having caught 
the animal in his field, immediately drew his knife, and cut 
its throat. The Serawoolli thereupon called a palaver (or 
in European terms, brought an action ) to recover damages 
for the loss of his beast, on which he sat a high value. The 
defendant confessed he had killed the ass, but pleaded a 
set off, insisting that the loss he had sustained by the rav- 
age in his corn, was equal to the sum demanded for the 
animal. To ascertain this fact was the point at issue, and 
the learned advocates contrived to puzzle the cause in 
such a manner that after a hearing of three days, the 
court broke up, without coming to any determination, 
upon it; and a second palaver was, I suppose, thought ne- 
cessary. 

The Mandingoes, generally speaking, are of a mild, 
sociable, and obliging disposition. The men are common* 
ly above the middle size, well shaped, strong, and capable of 
enduring great labour; the women are good natured, 
sprightly and agreeable. The dress of both sexes is com- 
posed of cotton cloth, of their own manufacture ; that of 
the men is a loose frock, not unlike a surplice, with draw- 
ers which reach half way down the leg ; and they wear 
sandals on their feet, and white cotton caps on their heads. 
The womens' dress consists of two pieces of cloth, each of 
-which is about six feet long, and three broad ; one of these 
they wrap round the waist, which hanging down to the an- 
cles, answers the purpose of a petticoat : The other is 
thrown negligently over the bosom and shoulders. 

This account of their clothing is indeed nearly applied 



INTERIOR OF AFRICA. 



31 



hie to the natives of all the different countries in this part 
of Africa ; a peculiar national mode is observable only in 
the head-dresses of the women. 

Thus, in the countries of the Gambia, the females wear 
a sort of bandage, which they call Jalla. It is a narrow 
strip of cotton cloth wrapped many times round immediate- 
ly over the forehead. In Bondou the head is encircled 
with strings of white beads, and a small plate of gold is worn 
in the middle of the forehead. In Kasson, the ladies deco- 
rate their headsin a very tasteful and elegant manner, with 
white sea-shells. In Kaarta and Ludamar, the women raise 
their hair to a great height, by the addition of a pad (as the 
ladies did formerly in Great-Britain) which they decorate 
with a species of coral, brought from the Red Sea by 
pilgrims, returning from Mecca, and sold at a great price. 

In the construction of their dwelling houses, the Man- 
dingoes, also, conform to the general practice of the Afri- 
can nations on this part of the continent, contenting them- 
selves with small and incommodious hovels. A circular 
mud wall, about four feet high, upon which is placed a coni- 
cal roof, composed of the bamboo cane, and thatched with 
grass, forms alike the palace of the king, and the hovel of 
the slave. Their household furniture is equally simple. 
A hurdle of canes placed upon upright stakes, about two 
feet from the ground upon which is spread amat or bullock's 
hide, answers the purpose of a bed : A water jar, some 
earthern pots for dressing their food, a few wooden bowls 
and calabashes, and one or two low stools, compose the rest. 

As every man of free condition has a plurality of wives, 
it is found necessary (to prevent, I suppose, matrimonial 
disputes) that each of the ladies should be accommodated 
with a hut to herself; and all the huts belonging to the 
same family are surrounded by a fence, constructed of bam- 
boo canes split and formed into a sort of wicker-work. 
The whole enclosure is called a sirk or surk. A number 
of these inclosures,, with narrow passages between them, 
form what is called a town ; but the huts are generally pla- 
ced without any regularity, according to the caprice of the 
owner. The only rule that seems to be attended to, is pla- 
cing the door towards the south-west, in order to admit the 
sea breeze. 

In each town is a large stage called the bentang, which 
answers the purpose of a public hall or town-house; it is 



TRAVELS IN THE 



composed of interwoven canes, and is generally sheltered 
from the sun by being- erected in the shade of some large 
tree. It is here that all public affairs are transacted and 
trials conducted ; and here the lazy and indolent meet to 
smoke their pipes and hear the news of the day. In most 
oi tiie towns the Mahomedans have also a mis&ura, or 
mosque, in which they assemble and offer up their daily 
prayers, according to the rules of the Koran. 

In the account which I have thus given of the natives, 
the reader must bear in mind, that my observations apply 
chiefly to persons of free condition, who constitute, I sup- 
pose, not more than one-fourth part of the inhabitants at 
large ; the other three-fourths are in a state of hopeless 
and hereditary slavery ; and are employed in cultivating 
the land, in the care of cattle^ and in servile ofnecs of all 
kinds, much in the same manner as the slaves in the West 
Indies. I was told, however, that the Mandingo master 
can neither deprive his slave of life, nor sell him to a stran- 
ger, without first calling a palaver on his conduct, or, in 
other words, bringing him to a public trial : But this de- 
gree of protection is extended only to the native or domesr 
tic slave. Captives taken in war, and those unfortunate 
victims who are condemned to slavery for crimes or insol- 
vency, and, in short, all those unhappy people who are 
brought down from the interior countries for sale, have no 
security whatever, but may be treated and disposed of in 
all respects as the owner thinks proper. It sometimes 
happens, indeed, when no ships are on the coast, that a hu- 
mane and considerate - master, incorporates his purch ased 
slaves among his domestics; and their offspring at least., 
if not the parents, becomes entitled to- all the privileges of 
the native class. ^ 

The preceding remarks, concerning the several nations 
that inhabit the banks of the Gambia, are all that I recol- 
lect as necessary to be made in this place, at the outset of 
my journey. With regard to the Mandingoes, however, 
many particulars are yet to be related; some of which are 
necessarily interwoven into the narrative of my progress, 
and others will be given in a summary, at the end of my 
work; together with all such observations as I have collcc- 
ed on the country and climate, which I could not with pro- 
priety insert in the regular denil of occurrences. What 
remains of the present chapter will, therefore, relate sole 



INTERIOR OF AFRICA. 



Iy to the trade which the nations of Christendom have found 
means to establish with the natives of Africa, by the chan- 
nel of the Gambia ; and the inland traffic which has arisen, 
in consequence of it, between the inhabitants of the coast, 
and the nations of the interior countries. 

The earliest European establishment on this celebrated 
river was a factory of the Portuguese ; and to this must be 
ascribed, the introduction of the numerous words of that 
language which are still in use among the Negroes. T>e 
Dutch, French, and English, afterwards successively pos- 
sessed themselves of settlements on the coast; but the 
trade of the Gambia became, and continued for many years, 
a sort of monopoly in the hands of the English. In the tra- 
vels of Francis Moore, is preserved an Account of the Roy- 
al African Company's establishments on this river, in the 
year 1730; at which time, James' factory, alone consisted 
of a governor, deputy governor, and two other principal of- 
ficers ; eight factors, thirteen writers, twenty inferior at- 
tendants and tradesmen ; a company of soldiers, and thirty- 
two Negro servants; besides sloops, shallops, and boats, 
with their crews ; and there were no less than eight sub- 
ordinate factories in other parts of the river. 

The trade with Europe, by being afterwards laid open, 
was almost annihilated; the share which the subjects of 
England at this time hold in it, supports not more than two 
or three annual ships ; and I am informed, that the gross 
value of British exports is. under 20,000/. The French 
and Danes still maintain a small share, and the Americans 
have lately sent a few vessels to the Gambia by way of ex- 
periment. 

The commodities exported to the Gambia from Europe, 
consists chiefly of fire-arms and ammunition, iron-ware, 
spirituous liquors, tobacco, cotton caps, a small quantity of 
broad clothes, and a lew articles of the manufacture of Man- 
chester; a small assortment of India goods, with some glass 
beads, amber, and other trifles : For which are taken in ex- 
change, slaves, gold-dust, ivory, bees-wax, and hides. — 
Slaves are. the chief article, but the whole number which at 
this time are annually exported from the Gambia by all na- 
tions, is supposed to be under one thousand. 

Most of these unfortunate victims are brought to the 
coast in periodical caravans; many of them from very re- 
mote inland countries ; for the language which they speak 



34 



TRAVELS IN THE 



is not understood by the inhabitants of the maritime dis- 
tricts. In a subsequent part of my work, I shall give the 
best information I have been able to collect, concerning 
the manner in which they are obtained. On their arrival at 
the coast, if no immediate opportunity offers of selling them 
to advantage, they are distributed among the neighbouring 
villages, until a slave ship arrives, or until they can be sold 
to black traders, who sometimes purchase on speculation. 
In the meanwhile, the poor wretches are kept constantly 
fettered, two and two of them being chained together, and 
employed in the labours of the field ; and I am sorry to add, 
are very scantily fed, as well as harshly treated. The price of 
a slave varies according to the number of purchasers from 
Europe, and the arrival of caravans from the interior; but 
in general I reckon, that a young and healthy male, from 16 
to 25 years of age, may be estimated on the spot from 18/. 
to 201. sterling. 

The Negro slave merchants, as I have observed in the 
former chapter, are called Slatees ; who, beside slaves 
and the merchandize which they bring for sale to the whites, 
supply the inhabitants of the maritime districts with na- 
tive iron, sweet smelling gums and frankincense., and a 
commodity called Sfee-toulou, which, literally translated, 
signifies tree butter. This commodity is extracted, by 
means of boiling water, from the kernel of a nut, as will be 
more particularly described hereafter ; it has the consist- 
ence and appearance of butter, and is in truth an admirable 
substitute for it. It forms an important article in the food 
of the natives, and serves also for every domestic purpose 
in which oil would otherwise be used. The demand for it 
is therefore very great. 

In payment for these articles, the maritime states sup- 
ply the interior countries with salt, a scarce and valuable 
commodity, as I frequently and painfully experienced in the 
course of my journey. Considerable quantities of this arti- 
cle, however, are also supplied to the inland natives by the 
Moors; who obtain it from the salt-pits in the Great De- 
sert, and receive in return corn, cotton cloth, and slaves. 

In thus bartering one commodity for another, many in- 
conveniences must necessarily have arisen at first from the 
want of coined money, or some other visible and determi- 
nate medium to settle the balance, or difference of value, 
between different articles; to remedy which, the natives of 



INTERIOR OF AFRICA. I£ 

the interior make use of small shells called Konvries, as will 
be shewn hereafter. On the coast, the inhabitants have 
adopted a practice, which, I believe, is peculiar to them- 
selves. 

In their early intercourse with Europeans, the article that 
attracted most notice was iron. Its utility, in forming the 
instruments of war and husbandry, made it preferable to all 
others; and iron soon became the measure by which the 
vame of all other commodities was ascertained. Thus a 
certain quantity of goods, of whatever denomination, ap- 
pearing to be equal in value to a bar of iron, constituted, in 
the trader's phraseology, a bar of that particular merchan- 
dize. Twenty leaves of tobacco, for instance, were consid- 
ered as a bar cf tobacco ; and a gallon of spirits (or rather 
Iialf spirits and half water) as a bar of rum ; a bar of one 
commodity being reckoned equal in value to a bar of anoth- 
4b? commodity. 

As, however, it must unavoidably happen, that according 
to the plenty or scarcity of goods at market in proportion to 
the demand, the relative value would be subject to continu- 
al fluctuation, greater precision has been found necessary ; 
and at this time, the current value of a single bar, of any 
kind, is fixed by the whites at two shillings sterling.— 
Thus a slave, whose price is 15L is said to be worth 150 
bars. 

In transactions of this nature it is obvious, that the white 
trader has infinitely the advantage over the African, whom, 
therefore, it is difficult to satisfy: for, conscious of his own 
ignorance, he naturally becomes exceedingly suspicious 
and wavering; and indeed, so very unsettled and jealous 
are the Negroes in their dealings with the Whites, that a 
bargain is never considered by the European as concluded, 
until the purchase money is paid, and the party has taken 
leave. 

Having now brought together such general observations 
on the country, and its inhabitants, as occurred to me dur- 
ing my residence in the vicinage of the Gambia, I shall de- 
tain the reader no longer with introductory matter ; but 
proceed in the next chapter, to a regular detail of the inci- 
dents which happened, and the reflections which arose in 
my mind, in the course of my painful and perilous journey, 
from its commencement, until my return to the Gambia. 



36 TRAVELS IN THE. 



CHAPTER III. 

The Author leaves Pisania. His attendants. He reaches 
Jindey. Story related by a Mandingo Negro. Proceeds 
to Medina, the capital of Woolli. Interview with the 
King. Saphies or charms. Proceeds to Kolor. Descrip- 
tion of Mumbo Jumbo. Arrives at Koojar : Wrestling 
match. Crosses the wilderness, and arrives at Tillika, in 
the kingdom of Bondou, Ifc. 

ON the 2d of December, 1795, I took my departure from 
the hospitable mansion of Dr. Laidley. I was fortunately 
provided with a Negro servant, who spoke both the Eng- 
lish and Mandingo tongues. His name was Johnson. He 
was a native of this part of Africa ; and having in his youth 
been conveyed to Jamaica as a slave, he had been made 
free, and taken to England by his master, where he had re- 
sided many years ; and at length found his way back to his 
native country. As he was known to Dr. Laidley, the Doc- 
tor recommended him to me, and I hired him as my inter- 
preter, at the rate often bars monthly, to be paid to himself, 
and five bars a months to be paid to his wife during his ab- 
sence. Dr. Laidley, furthermore provided me with a Ne- 
gro boy of his own, named De?nba ; a sprightly youth, who, 
besides Mandingo, spoke the language of the Serawoolies, 
an inland people (of whom mention will hereafter be made) 
residing on the banks of the Senegal ; and to induce him 
to behave well, the Doctor promised him his freedom on 
his return, in case I should report favourably of his fidelity 
and services. I was furnished with a horse for myself, (a 
small, but very hardy and spirited beast, which cost me to 
the value of 71. 10s.) and two asses for my interpreter and 
servant. My baggage was light, consisting chiefly of pro- 
visions for two days ; a small assortment of beads, amber, 
and tobacco, for the purchase of a fresh supply, as I pro- 
ceeded ; a few changes of linen, and other necessary ap- 
parel, an umbrella, a pocket sextant, a magnetic compass, 
and a thermometer ; together with two fowling pieces, two 
pair of pistols, and some other small articles. 

A free man (a Bushreen or Mahomedan) named Madi- 
boo, who was travelling to the kingdom of Combara, and 



INTERIOR OF AFRICA. 



two Slatees, or slave merchants of the Serawoolli nation, 
and of the same sect, who were going to Bondou, offered 
their services as far as they intended respectively to pro- 
ceed ; as did likewise a Negro named Tami, (also a Maho- 
medan) a native of Kasson, who had been employed some 
years by Dr. Laidley, as a blacksmith, and was returning to 
his native country with the savings of his labours. All these 
men travelled on foot, driving their asses before them. 

Thus I had no less than six attendants, all of whom had 
.been taught to regard me with great respect ; and to con- 
sider that their safe return hereafter, to the countries on 
the Gambia, would depend on my preservation. 

Dr. Laidley himself, and Messrs. Ainsley, with a number 
of their domestics, kindly determined to accompany me the 
two first days; and I believe they secretly thought they 
should never see me afterwards. 

We reached Jindey the same day, having crossed the 
Walli creek, a branch of the Gambia, and rested at the 
house of a black woman, who had formerly been the c/iere 
amie of a white trader, named Hewett ; and who, in conse- 
quence thereof, was called, by way of distinction, Seniora* 
In the evening we walked out to see an adjoining village, be- 
longing to a Slatee named Jemaffoo Mamadoo, the richest 
of all the Gambia traders. We found him at home; and 
he thought so highly of the honor done him by this visit, 
that he presented us with a fine bullock, which was imme- 
diately killed, and part of it dressed for our evening's re- 
past. 

The Negroes do not go to supper till late ; and in order 
to amuse ourselves while our beef was preparing, a Man- 
dingo was desired to relate some diverting stories ; in lis- 
tening to which, and smoking tobacco, we spent three 
hours. These stories bear some resemblance to those in 
the Arabian Nights Entertainments; but, in general, are of 
a more ludicrous cast. I shall here abridge one of them 
for the reader's amusements 

« Many years ago (said the relator) the people of Dooma- 
sansa (a town on the Gambia) were much annoyed by a 
lion, that came every night, and took away some of their 
cattle. By continuing his depredations, the people were 
at length so much enraged, that a party of them resolved to 
go and hunt the monster. They accordingly proceeded in 
search of the common enemy, who they found concealed in 



38 



TRAVELS IN THE 



a thicket ; and immediately firing- at him, were lucky enough 
to wound him in such a manner, that, in springing from the 
thicket towards the people, he fell down among the grass, 
and was unable to rise. The animal, however, manifested 
such appearance of vigour, that nobody cared to approach 
him singly; and a consultation was held, concerning the 
properest means of taking him alive ; a circumstance, it 
was said, which, while it furnished undeniable proof of 
their prowess, would turn out to great advantage, it being 
resolved to convey him to the coast, and sell him to the Eu- 
ropeans. While some persons proposed one pian, and 
some another, an old man offered a scheme : This was, to 
strip the roof of a house of its thatch, and to carry the bam- 
boo frame (the pieces of which are well secured together 
by thongs) and throw it over the lion. If, in approaching 
bim, he should attempt to spring upon them, they had no- 
thing to do but to let down the roof upon themselves, and 
fire at the lion through the rafters. 

u This proposition was approved and adopted. The 
thatch was taken from the roof of a hut, and the lion-hun- 
ters, supporting the fabric, marched courageously to the 
field of battle ; each person carrying a gun in one hand, and 
bearing his share of the roof on the opposite shoulder. In 
this manner they approached the enemy : But the beast had 
by this time recovered his strength ; and such was the 
fierceness of his countenance, that the hunters, instead of 
proceeding any further, thought it prudent to provide for 
their own safety, by covering themselves with the roof. 
Unfortunately, the lion was too nimble for them ; for, mak- 
ing a spring while the roof was setting down, both the beast 
and his pursuers were caught in the same cage, and the 
lion devoured them at his leisure, to the great astonishment 
and mortification of the people of Doomasansa; at which 
place it is dangerous even at this day to tell the story ; for it 
is become the subject of laughter and derison in the neigh- 
bouring countries, and nothing will enrage an inhabitant of 
that town so much, as desiring him to catch a lion alive/ 5 

About one o'clock in the afternoon of the 3d of Decem- 
ber, I took my leave of Dr. Laidley and Messrs. Ainsley, 
and rode slowly into the woods. I had now before me a 
boundless forest, and a country, the inhabitants of which 
were strangers to civilized life, and to most of whom a 
white man was the object of curiosity or plunder, I re- 



INTERIOR OF AFRICA. 



39 



fleeted that I had parted from the last European I 'might 
probably behold, and perhaps quitted for ever the comforts 
of Christian society. Thoughts like these would necessa- 
rily cast a gloom over the mind, and I rode musing along 
for about three miles, when I was awakened from my reve- 
rie by a body of people, who came running up and stopped 
the ass, giving me to understand, that I must go with them 
to Pecaba, to present myself to the king of Walli, or pay 
customs to them. I endeavoured to make them compre- 
hend that the object of my journey not being traffic, I ought 
not to be subjected to a tax like the Slatees, and ether mer- 
chants, who travel for gain ; but I reasoned to no purpose. 
They said it was usual for travellers of all descriptions to 
make a present to the king of Walli, and without doing so, 
I could not be permitted to proceed. As they were more 
numerous than my attendants, and withal very noisy, i 
thought it prudent to comply with their demand, and hav- 
ing presented them with four bars of tobacco, for the king's 
use, I was permitted to continue my journey, and at sunset 
reached a village near Kootacunda^ where we rested for the 
night. 

In the morning of. December 4th, I passed Kootacunda, 
the last town of Walli, and stopped about an hour at a small 
adjoining village to pay customs to an officer of the king of 
Woolii ; we rested the ensuing night at a village called Ta- 
bajang; and at noon the 'next day (December the 5th) we 
reached Medina, the capital of the king of Woolli's do- 
minions. 

The kingdom of Woolii is bounded by Walli on the west, 
by the Gambia on the south, by the small river Walli on 
the north-west; by Bondou on the north-east; and on the 
east, by the Simbani wilderness. 

The country every where rises into gentle acclivities, 
which are generally covered with extensive woods, and the 
towns are situated in the intermediate valleys. Each town 
is surrounded by a tract of cultivated land, the produce of 
which, I presume, is found sufficient to supply the wants of 
the inhabitants; for the soil appeared to me to be every 
where fertile, except near the tops of the ridges, where the 
red iron stone, and stunted shrubs, sufficiently marked the 
boundaries between fertility and barrenness. The chief 
productions are cotton, tobacco, and esculent vegetables^ 



40 TRAVELS IN THE 

ail which are raised in the valleys, the rising grounds be- 
ing appropriated to different sorts of corn. 

The inhabitants are Mandingoes, and, like most of the 
Mand in go nations, are divided into two great sects, the Ma- 
-homedans, who are called Bushreens, and the Pagans who 
are called indiscriminately Kafirs (unbelievers) and So?ia- 
kies (i. e. men who drink strong liquors.) The Pagan na- 
tives are by far the most numerous, and the government of 
the country is in their hands; for though the most respec- 
table among the Bushreens are frequently consulted in af- 
fairs of importance, yet they are never permitted to take 
any share in the executive government, which rests solely 
in the hands of the Manse, or sovereign, and great officers 
of the state.. Of these, the first in point of rank is the pre- 
sumptive heir of the crown, who is called the Farbanna ; 
next to him are the Alkaids, cr provincial governors, who 
are more frequently called Kcamos. Then follow the two 
grand divisions of freemen and slaves ;* of the former, the 
Slatees, so frequently mentioned in the preceding pages, 
are considered as the principal: But in all classes, great 
respect is paid to the authority of aged men. 

On the death of the reigning monarch, his eldest son (if 
ho has attained the age of manhood) succeeds to the regal 
authority. If there is no son* or if the son is under the age 
of discretion, a meeting of the great men is held, and the 
late monarch's nearest relation (commonly his brother) is 
called to the government, not as regent, or guardian to the 
infant son, but in full right,, and to the exclusion of the mi- 
nor. The charges of the government are defrayed by occa- 
sional tributes from the people, and by duties on goods 
transported across the country. Travellers, on going from 
the Gambia towards the interior, pay customs in European 
merchandize. On returning, they pay in iron and Shea- 
toulou: These taxes are paid at every town. 

Medinaf the capital of the kingdom, at which I was now 
arrived, is a place of considerable extent, and may contain 
from eight hundred to one thousand houses. It is fortified 

* The term which signifies a man of free condition is Korea, that 
of a slave, Joxc. 

f Medina in the Arabic signifies a city ; the name is not uncommon 
among* the Negroes, and has probably been borrowed frcm the Maho- 

xneda:is. 



INTERIOR OF AFRICA. 



in the common African manner, by a surrounding high 
wail, built of clay, and an outward fence of pointed stakes 
and prickly bushes ; but the Avails are neglected, and the 
outward fence has suffered considerably from the active 
hands of busy house-wives, who pluck up the stakes for 
firewood. I obtained a lodging at one of the king's near 
relations, who apprised me, that at my introduction to the 
king, I must not presume to .shake hands with him. It was 
not usual, he said, to allow this liberty to strangers. Thus 
instructed, I went in the afternoon to pay my respects to 
the sovereign, and ask permission to pass through his ter- 
ritories to Bonclou. The king's name was lata. He was the 
same venerable old man of whom so favourable an account 
was transmitted by Major Houghton. I found him seated 
upon a mat, before the door of his hut: A number of men 
and women were arranged on each side, who were singing 
and clapping their hands. I saluted him respectfully, and 
informed him of the purport of my visit. The king gra- 
ciously replied, that he not only pave me leave to pass 
through his country, but would offer up his prayers for my 
safety. On tins, one of my attendants, seemingly in return 
for the king's condescension, began to sing, or rather to 
roar, an Arabic song; at every pause of which, the king 
himself, and all the people present, struck their hands 
against their foreheads, and exclaimed, with devout and af- 
fecting solemnity, Amen amen IP The king told me fur- 
thermore, that I should have a guide the day following, who 
would conduct me safely to the frontier of his kingdom. I 
then took my leave, and in the evening sent the king an 
order upon Dr. Laidley for three gallons of rum, and re- 
ceived in return great store of provisions. 

December 6th, early in the morning, I went to the king 
a second time, to learn if the guide was ready. I found his 
majesty sitting upon a bullock's hide, warming himself be- 
fore a large fire ; for the Africans are sensible of the smal- 
lest variation in the temperature of the air, and frequently 
complain of cold when a European is oppressed with heatl 

* It may seera from hence that the king was a Mahometan ; but I 
was assured to the contrary. He joined in prayer m this occasion, 
probably, from the mere dictates of his benevolent mind: consider- 
ing; perhaps, that prayers to the Almightv, offered up with true de- 
votion and sincerity, were equally acceptable^ whether from Bushreea,. 
or. Pagan, 



42 



TRAVELS IN THE 



He received me with a benevolent countenance, and ten- 
derly intreated me to desist from my purpose of travelling 
into the interior; telling me, that Major Houghton had 
been killed in his route, and that if I followed his footsteps, 
I should probably meet with his fate. He said that I must not 
judge of the people of the eastern country by those of Wool- 
ii : That the latter were acquainted with white men, and re- 
spected them, whereas the people of the east had never 
seen a white man, and would certainly destroy me. I 
thanked the king for his affectionate solicitude, but told 
him that I had considered the matter, and was determined, 
notwithstanding all dangers, to proceed. The king shook 
liis head, but desisted from further persuasion; and told 
me, the guide should be ready in the afternoon. 

About two o'clock, the guide appearing, I went and took 
my last farewell of the good old king, and in three hours 
reached Konjour, a small village, where we determined ta 
rest for the night. Here I purchased a fine sheep for some 
beads, and my Serawoolii attendants killed it with all the 
•ceremonies prescribed by their religion ; part of it was 
dressed for supper ; after which a dispute arose between 
one of the Serawoolii Negroes and Johnson, my interpre- 
ter, about the sheep's horns. The former claimed the horns 
as his perquisite, for having acted the part of our butchei\ 
and Johnson contested the claim. I settled the matter, by 
giving a horn to each of them. This trifling incident is 
mentioned as introductory to what follows : For it appeared, 
on inquiry, that these horns were highly valued, as being 
easily convertible into portable sheaths, or cases, for con- 
taining and keeping secure, certain charms or amulets, cal- 
led safihies, which the Negroes constantly wear about them. 
These saphies are prayers, or rather sentences, from the 
Koran, which the Mahomedan priests write on scraps of pa- 
per, and sell to the simple natives, who consider them to 
possess very extraordinary virtues. Some of the Negroes 
wear them to guard themselves against the bite of snakes 
or alligators; and on this occasion, the saphie is commonly 
inclosed in a snake's or alligator's skin, and tied round the 
ancle. Others have recourse to them in time of war, to 
protect their persons against hostile weapons ; but the com- 
mon use to which these amulets are applied, is to prevent 
sr cure bodily diseases ; to preserve from hunger and &i*st? 



INTERIOR OF AFRICA. ,43 

and generally to conciliate the favour of superior powers., 
under all the circumstances and occurrences of life.* 

In this case, it is impossible not to admire the wonderful 
contagion of superstition ; for, notwithstanding that the ma- 
jority of the Negroes are Pagans, and absolutely reject the 
doctrines of Mahomet, I did not meet with a man, whether 
a Bushreen or Kafir, who was not fully persuaded cf the 
powerful efficacy of these amulets. The truth is, that all 
the natives of this part of Africa consider the art of writing 
as bordering on magic ; and it is not in the doctrines of the 
Prophet, but in the arts of the magician, that their confi- 
dence is placed. It will hereafter be seen, that I was my- 
self lucky enough, in circumstances of distress, to turn the 
popular credulity in this respect to good account. 

On the 7th, I departed from Konjour, and slept at a vil- 
lage called Malla (or Mallaing,) and on the 8th, about noon, 
I arrived at Kolor, a considerable town, near the entrance 
into which I observed, hanging upon a tree, a sort of mas- 
querade habit, made of the bark of trees, which I was told 
on inquiry, belonged to Mumbo Jumbo. This is a strange 
bugbear, common to all the Mandingo towns, and much em- 
ployed by the Pagan natives, in keeping their women in 
subjection ; for as the Kafirs are not restricted in the num- 
ber of their wives, every one marries as many as he can 
conveniently maintain ; and as it frequently happens that the 
ladies disagree among themselves, family quarrels some- 
times rise to such a height, that the authority of the hus- 
band can no longer preserve peace in his household. In 
such cases, the interposition of Mumbo Jumbo is called in, 
and is always decisive. 

This strange minister of justice (who is supposed to be 
either the husband himself, or some person instructed by 
him) disguised in the dress that has been mentioned, and 
armed with the rod of public authority, announces his com- 
ing (whenever his services are required) by loud and dis- 
mal screams in the woods near the town. He begins the 
pantomime at the approach of night; and as soon as it is 
dark, he enters the town, and proceeds to the Beutang,.at 
which all the inhabitants immediately assemble. 

* I believe that similar charms or amulets, under the names of do- 
aaini, grigri* fetich, &c. &c. are common in all parts of Africa, 



44, 



TRAVELS I>rTHE 



It may easily be supposed that this exhibition is not much 
relished by the women ; for as the person in disguise is en- 
tirely unknown to them, every married female suspects, 
that the visit may possibly be intended for herself ; but they 
dare not refuse to appear when they are summoned ; and 
the ceremony commences with songs and dances, which 
continue till midnight, about which time Mumbo fixes on 
the offender. This unfortunate victim being thereupon 
immediately seized, is stripped naked, tied to a post, and 
severely scourged with Mumbo's rod, amidst the shouts and 
derision of the whole assembly ; and it is remarkable, that 
the rest of the women are the loudest in their exclamations 
on this occasion againstthtir unhappy sister. Daylight puts 
an end to this indecent and unmanly revel. 

December 9th. As there was no water to be procured 
on the road, we travelled with great expedition until we 
reached Tambacunda, and departing from thence early the 
next morning, the 10th, we reached in the evening Koonia- 
kary, a town of nearly the same magnitude as Kolor. About 
noon on the 1 1th we arrived at Koojar, the frontier town of 
Woolli, towards Bondou, from which it is separated by an 
intervening wilderness of two clays journey. 

The guide appointed by the King of Woolli being now 
to return, I presented him with some amber for his trouble ; 
and having been informed that it was not possible at all 
times to procure water in the wilderness, I made enquiry 
for men who would serve both as guides and water-bearers 
during my journey across it. Three Negroes, elephant 
hunters, offered their services for these purposes, which I 
accepted, and paid them three bars each in advance, and the 
day being far spent, I determined to pass the night in my 
present quarters. 

The inhabitants of Koojar, though not wholly unaccus- 
tomed to the sight of Europeans (most of them having oc- 
casionally visited the countries on the Gambia) beheld me 
with a mixture of curiosity and reverence, and in the even- 
ing invited me to see a neobermg-, or wrestling match, at 
the Bentang. This is an exhibition very common in all the 
Mandingo countries. The spectators arranged themselves 
in a circle, leaving the intermediate space for the wrestlers* 
who were strong active young men, full of emulation, and 
accustomed I suppose from their infancy to this sort of ex- 



INTERIOR OF AFRICA. 



45 



ertion. Being stripped of their clothing except a short pair 
of drawers, and having their skin anointed with oil, or shea 
butter, the combatants approached each other on all fours, 
parrying with and occasionally extending a hand for some 
time, till at length one of them sprang forward, and caught 
his rival by the knee. Great dexterity and judgment were 
now displayed ; but the contest was decided by superior 
strength ; and I think that few Europeans would have been 
able to cope with the conqueror. It must not be unob- 
served, that the combatants were animated by the music of 
a drum, by which their actions were in some measure regu- 
lated. 

The wrestling was succeeded by a dance, in which many 
performers assisted, all of whom were provided with little 
bells, which were fastened to their legs and arm*, and here 
too the drum regulated their motions. It was beaten with 
a crooked stick, which the drummer held in his right hand, 
occasionally using his left to deaden the sound, and thus 
vary the music. The drum is .likewise applied on these* 
-occasions to keep order among the spectators, by imitating 
the sound of certain Mandingo sentences ; for example,, 
when the wrestling match is about to begin, the drummer 
strikes what is understood to signify alt b<s si> — sit all down ; 
upon which the spectators immediately seat themselves ; 
and when the combatants are to begin, he strikes amuta^ 
a??iuta 1 — take hold, take hold* 

In the course of the evening I was presented, by w T ay of 
refreshment, with a liquor, which tasted so much like the 
strong beer of my native country (and very good beer too,) 
as to induce me to inquire into its composition ; and I 
learnt, with some degree of surprise, that it was actually 
made from corn which had heen previously malted, much 
in the same manner as barley is malted in Great Britain ; a 
root yielding a grateful bitter, was used in lieu of hops, 
the name of which I have forgot ; but the corn which yields 
the wort, is the holcus s/iicatus of botanists. 

Early in the morning, (the 1 2th) I found, that one of the 
elephant hunters had absconded with the money he had re- 
ceived from me in part of his wages ; and in order to pre- 
vent the other two from following his example, I made 
them instantly fill their calabashes (or gourds) with water 3 



46 



TRAVELS IN THE 



and as the sun rose, I entered the wilderness that separates 
the kingdoms of Woolli or Bondou. 

We had not travelled more than a mile before my attend- 
ants insisted on stopping, that they might prepare a saphie, 
or charm, to insure us a safe journey. This was done by 
muttering a few sentences, and spitting upon a stoue, which 
was thrown before us on the road. The same ceremony 
was repeated three times, after which the Negroes proceed- 
ed with the greatest confidence ; every one being firmly 
persuaded, that the stone (like the scape goat) had carried 
with it every thing that could induce superior powers to 
visit us with misfortune. 

We continued our journey without stopping any more 
until noon, when we came to a large tree called by the na- 
tives JVee?na Taba. It had a very singular appearance, be- 
ing decorated with innumerable rags or scraps of cloth, 
which persons travelling across the wilderness had, at dif- 
ferent times, tied to the branches ; probably, at first, to in- 
form the traveller, that water was to be found near it ; but 
the custom has been so greasy &at^«I«*^3 Sy time, *feat na» 
body now presumes to pass without hanging up something. 
I followed the example, and suspended a handsome piece 
of cloth on one of the boughs, and being told that either a 
well, or pool of water, was at no great distance, I ordered 
the Negroes to unload the asses, that we might give them 
corn, and regale ourselves with the provisions we had 
brought. In the mean time, I sent one of the elephant 
hunters to look for the well, intending, if water was to be 
obtained, to rest here for the night. A pool was found, but 
the water was thick and muddy, and the Negro discovered 
near it the remains of a fire recently extinguished, and the 
fragments of provisions, which afforded a proof that it had 
been lately visited, either by travellers or banditti. The 
fears of my attendants supposed the latter; and believing 
that robbers lurked near us, I was persuaded to change my 
resolution of resting here all night,, and proceeded to an- 
other watering place, which I was assured we might reach 
early in the evening. 

We departed accordingly, but it was eight o'clock at 
night before we came to the watering place ; and being now 
sufficiently fatigued with so long a day's journey, we kind- 
led a large fire, and lay down, surrounded by our cattle, on 



INTERIOR OF AFRICA. 



47 



the bare ground, more than a gun-shot from any bush ; the 
Negroes agreeing to keep watch by turns to prevent sur- 
prise. 

I knew not indeed, that any danger was justly to be dread- 
ed, but the Negroes were unaccountably apprehensive of 
banditti, during the whole journey. As soon therefore as 
daylight appeared, we filled our soofros (skins) and cala- 
bashes at the pool, and set out for Tallika, the first town in 
Bondou, which, we reached about eleven o'clock in the fore- 
noon (the 13th of December.) I cannot, however, take 
leave of vVoolii, without observing, that I was every where 
well received by the natives ; and that the fatigues of the 
day were generally alleviated by a hearty welcome at night ; 
and although the African mode of living was at first un- 
pleasant to me, yet I found, at length, that custom sur- 
mounted trifling inconveniences, and made everything pa- 
latable and easy. 



CHAPTER IV. 

Account of the inhabitants of Tallika. The author proceeds 
for Fatteconda ; incidents on the road. Crosses the J\ r e- 
fikOj arrives at Koorkarany ; reaches the river Faleme ; 
fishery on that river ; proceeds along its bank to JVaye or 
Niyemow ; crosses the Faleme and arrives at Fatteconda. 
Interview with Almani, sovereign of Bondou ; description 
of the king's dwelling ; second interview with the king, 
who begs the author's coat. The author visits the king's 
wives ; is permitted to depart on friendly terms. Jour~ 
ney by night. Arrives at Joag. Account of Bondou and 
its inhabitants the Foulahs, life. 

TALLIKA, the frontier town of Bondou towards Woolli, 
is inhabited chiefly by Foulahs of the Mahomedan religion, 
who live in considerable affluence, partly by furnishing pro- 
visions to the cofflesy or caravans, that pass through the 
town, and partly by the sale of ivory, obtained by hunting 
elephants, in which employment the young men are gener- 
ally very successful, Here, aa officer belonging to the 



TRAVELS IN THE 



king of Bondou constantly resides, whose business it is to 
give timely information of the arrival of the caravans : which 
are taxed according to the number of loaded asses that ar- 
rives at Tallika. 

I took up my residence at this officer's house, and agreed 
with him to accompany me to Fatteconda, the residence 
of the king ; for which he was to receive five bars ; and be- 
fore my departure I wrote a few lines to Dr. Laidley, and 
gave my letter to the master of a caravan ^ound for the 
Gambia. This caravan consisted of five asses loaded with 
ivory. The large teeth are conveyed in nets, two on each 
side of the ass ; the small ones are wrapped up in skins, 
and secured with ropes. 

December 14th. We left Tallika, and rode on very 
peaceably for about two miles, when a violent quarrel arose 
between two of my fellow-travellers, one of whom was the 
blacksmith, in the course of which they bestowed some op- 
probrious terms upon each other ; and it is worthy of re- 
mark, that an African will sooner forgive a blow, than a 
term of reproach applied to his ancestors : " Strike me, 
but do not curse my mother," is a common expression 
even among the slaves. This sort of abuse, therefore, so 
enraged one of the disputants, that he drew his cutlass up- 
on the blacksmith, and would certainly have ended the dis- 
pute in a very serious manner, if the others had not laid 
hold of him, and wrested the cutlass from him. I was obli- 
ged to interfere, and put an end to this disagreeable busi- 
ness, by desiring the blacksmith to be silent, and telling 
the other, who I thought was in the wrong, that if he at- 
tempted in future to draw his cutlass, or molest any of my 
attendants, I should look upon him as a robber, and shoot 
him without further ceremony. ThisUireat had the desired 
effect, and we marched sullenly along till the afternoon, 
when we arrived at a number of small villages scattered 
over an open and fertile plain; at one of these, called Ga- 
nado, we took up our residence for the night : Here an ex- 
change of presents, and a good supper, terminated all ani- 
mosities among my attendants ; and the night was far ad- 
vanced before any of us thought of going to sleep. We 
were amused by an itinerant singing man,* who told a num- 

* These are a sort of travelling bards and musicians, who sing ex- 
tempore songs in praise of those who employ them. A fuller ac- 
count of them will be given hereafter.. 



INTERIOR OF AFRICA. 



49 



ber of diverting stories, and played some sweet airs, by- 
blowing his breath upon a bow-string, and striking it at the 
same time with a stick. 

December 1 5th. At daybreak my fellow-travellers, the 
Serawoollies, took leave of me, with many prayers for my 
safety. About a mile from Ganado, we crossed a conside- 
rable branch of the Gambia, called Nerico. The banks 
were steep, and covered with mimosas ; and I observed in 
the mud a number of large muscles, but the natives do not 
eat them. About noon, the sun being exceedingly hot, we 
rested two hours in the shade of a tree, and purchased some 
milk and pounded corn from some Foulah herdsmen, and 
at sunset reached a town called Koorkarany, where the 
blacksmith had some relations ; and here we rested two 
days. 

Koorkarany is a Mahomedan town, surrounded by a high 
wall, and is provided with a mosque. Here I was shewn a 
number of Arabic manuscripts, particularlv a copy of abook 
before mentioned, called Al S/iara. The Maraboo, or 
priest, in whose possession it was, read and explained to 
me in Mandingo, many of the most remarkable passages ; 
and in return I shewed him Richardson's Arabic grammar, 
which he very much admired. 

On the evening of the second day (December 17th) we 
departed from Koorkarany. We were joined by a young 
man who was travelling to Fatteconda for salt; and as night 
set in we reached Dooggi, a small village about three miles 
from Koorkarany. 

Provisions were here so cheap that I purchased a bullock 
for six small stones of amber ; for I found my company in- 
crease or diminish according to the good fare they met 
with. 

December 18th, Early in the morning we departed 
from Dooggi, and being joined by a number of Foulahs and 
other people, made a formidable appearance, and were un- 
der no apprehension of being plundered in the woods.— 
About eleven o'clock one of the asses proving refractory, 
the Negroes took a curious method to make him tractable. 
They cut a forked stick, and putting the forked part into 
the ass's mouth, like the bit of a bridle, tied the two smal- 
ler parts together above his head, leaving the lower part of 
the stick of sufficient length to strike against the ground, if 
the ass should attempt to put his head down. After this, 



50 



TRAVELS IN THE 



the ass walked along quietly, and gravely enough, taking 
care, after some practice, to hold his head sufficiently high 
to prevent the stones, or roots of trees, from striking against 
the end ot the stick, which experience had taught him 
would give a severe shock to his teeth. This contrivance 
produced a ludicrous appearance, but my fellow-travellers 
told me it was constantly adopted by the Slatees, and always 
proved effectual. 

In the evening we arrived at a few scattered villages, sur- 
rounded with extensive cultivation; at one of which, called 
Euggil, we passed the night in a miserable hut, having no 
other bed than a bundle of corn stalks, and no provisions 
but what we brought with us. The wells here are dug with 
great ingenuity, and are very deep. I measured one of the 
bucket ropes, and found the depth of the well to be twenty- 
eight fathoms. 

December 1 9th. We departed from Buggil, and travel- 
led along a dry, stony height, covered with mimosas, till 
raid-day ; when the land sloped towards the east, and we de- 
scended into a deep valley, in which I observed abundance 
of whin-stone, and white quartz. Pursuing our course to 
the eastward, along this valley, in the bed of an exhausted 
river course, we came to a large village, where we intend- 
ed to lodge. We found many of the natives dressed in a 
thin French gauze, which they called Byqui, this being a 
light airy dress, and well calculated to display the shape of 
their persons, is much esteemed by the ladies. The man- 
ners of these females, however, did not correspond with 
their dress; for they were rude and troublesome in the 
highest degree ; they surrounded me in numbers, begging 
for amber, beads, he. and where so vehement in their so- 
licitations, that I found it impossible to resist them They 
tore my cloak, cut the buttons from my boy's clothes, and 
were proceeding to other outrages, when I mounted my 
horse and rode off, followed for half a mile by a body of 
these harpies. 

In the evening we reached Soobrudooka, and as my com- 
pany was numerous, (being fourteen) I purchased a sheep, 
and abundance of corn, for supper; after which we lay 
down by the bundles, and passed an uncomfortable night in 
a heavy dew. 

December 20th. We departed from Soobrudooka, and 
at two o'clock reached a large village situated on the banks 



INTERIOR OF AFRICA. 



51 



of the Faleme rivet*, which is here rapid and rocky. The 
natives were employed in fishing, in various ways. The 
large fish were taken in long baskets made of split cane, and 
placed in a strong current, which was created by walls of 
stone built across the stream, certain open places being left, 
through which the water rushes with great force. Some 
of these baskets were more than twenty feet long, and when 
once the fish had entered one of them, the force of the 
stream prevented it from returning. The small fish were 
taken in great numbers in hand-nets, which the natives 
weave of cotton, and use with great dexterity. The fish 
last mentioned are about the size of sprats, and are prepar- 
ed for sale in different ways ; the most common is, by pound- 
ing them entire as they come from the stream, in a wooden 
mortar, and exposing them to dry in the sun, in large 
lumps, like sugar loaves. It may be supposed that the 
smell is not very agreeable; but in the Moorish countries, 
to the north of the Senegal, where fish is scarcely know n, 
this preparation is esteemed as a luxury, and sold to con- 
siderable advantage. The manner of using it by the na- 
tives is, by dissolving a piece of this black loaf in boiling 
water, and mixing it with their kouskous. 

I thought it very singular, at this season of the year, to 
find the banks of (lie Faleme, every where, covered with 
large and beautiful fields of corn ; but on examination, I 
found it was not the same species of grain as is commonly 
cultivated on the Gambia ; it is called by the natives Manio v 
and grows in the dry season ; it is very prolific, and is reap- 
ed in the month of January. It is the same which, from 
the depending position of the ear, is called by botanical 
writers holcus cernuus. 

On returning to the village, after an excursion to the ri- 
ver side, to inspect the fishery, an old Moorish shereeff 
came to bestow his blessing upon rne, and beg some paper 
to write saphies upon. This man had seen Major Hough- 
ton in the kingdom of Kaarta, and told me, that he died in 
the country of the Moors. I gave him a few sheets of pa- 
per, and he levied a similar tribute from the blacksmith; 
for it is customary for young Mussuimen to make presents 
to the old ones, in order to obtain their blessing, which is 
pronounced in Arabic, and received with great humility. 

About three in the afternoon, we continued our course 
along the bank o^ the river, to the northward, till eight 

in. 



52 



TRAVELS IN THE 



o'clock, when we reached Nayemow; here the hospitable 
master of the town received us kindly, and presented us 
with a bullock. In return, I gave him some amber and 
beads. 

December 2 1st. In the morning, having agreed for a 
canoe to carry over my bundles, I crossed the river, which 
came up to my knees, as I sat on my horse ; but the water 
is so clear, that from the high bank, the bottom is visible all 
the way over. 

About noon we entered Fatteconda, the capital of Bon- 
dou; and in a little time received an invitation to the house 
of a respectable Slatee : For as there are no public houses 
in Africa, it is customary for strangers to stand at the Ben- 
tang, or some other place of public resort, till they are in- 
vited to a lodging by some of the inhabitants. We accept- 
ed the offer ; and in an hour afterwards, a person came and 
told me, that he was sent on purpose to conduct me to the 
king, who was very desirous of seeing me immediately, if 
I was not too much fatigued. 

I took my interpreter with me, and followed the messen- 
ger till we got quite cut of the town, and crossed some corn 
fields ; when suspecting some trick, I stopped, and asked 
the guide whither he was going. Upon which he pointed 
to a man sitting under a tree, at some little distance; and 
told me that the king frequently gave audience in that re- 
tired manner, in order to avoid a crowd of people ; and that 
nobody bjit myself and my interpreter must approach him. 
When I advanced, the king desired me to come and sit by 
Lim upon the mat; and after hearing my story, on which 
he made no observation, he asked if I wished to purchase 
any slaves, or gold ; Being answered in the negative, he 
seemed rather surprised; but desired me to come to him 
in the evening, and he would give me some provisions. 

This monarch was called Almami ; a Moorish name, 
though I was told that he was not a Mahomedan, but a Ka- 
fir, or Pagan. I had heard that he had acted towards Ma- 
jor Houghton with great unkindness, and caused him to be 
plundered. His behaviour, therefore, towards myself at 
this interview, though much more civil than I expected, was 
far from freeing me from uneasiness. I still apprehended 
some double dealing ; and as I was now entirely in his 
povyer, I thought it best to smooth the way by a present ; 
accordingly, I took with me in the evening, one Gannistei" 



INTERIOR OF AFRICA. 



5S 



of gunpowder, some amber, tobacco, and my umbrella; and 
as I considered that my bundles would inevitably be search- 
ed, I concealed some few articles in the roof of the hut 
where I lodged, and I put on my new blue coat, in order to 
preserve it. 

All the houses belonging to the king and his family are 
surrounded by a lofty mud wail, which converts the whole 
into a kind of a citadel. The interior is subdivided into 
different courts. At the first place of entrance I observed 
a man standing, with a musket on his shoulder ; and I found 
the way to the presence very intiicate, leading through 
many passages, with centinels placed at the different doors. 
When we came to the entrance of the court in which the 
king resides, both my guide and interpreter, according to 
custom, took off their sandals; and the former pronounced 
the king's name aloud, repeating it till he was answered 
from within. We found the monarch sitting upon a mat, 
and two attendants with him. I repeated what I had before 
told him concerning the object of my journey, and my rea- 
sons for passing through his country. He seemed howev- 
er, but half satisfied. The notion of travelling for curiosi- 
ty, was quite new to him. He thought it impossible, he 
said, that any man in his senses, would undertake so 
dangerous a journey, merely to look at the country, and 
its inhabitants : However, when I offered to shew him the 
contents of my portmanteau, and every thing belonging to 
me, he was convinced - r and it was evident that his suspi- 
cion had arisen from a belief, that every white man must of 
necessity be a trader. When I had delivered my presents, 
he seemed well pleased, and was particularly delighted with 
the umbrella, which he repeatedly furled and unfurled, to 
the great admiration of himself and his two attendants, who 
could not, for some time, comprehend the use of this won- 
derful machine. After this, I was about to take my leave, 
when the king, desiring me to stop a while, began a long 
preamble in favour of the whites ; extolling their immense 
wealth, and good dispositions. He next proceeded to an 
eulogium on my blue coat, of which the yellow buttons 
seemed particularly to catch his fancy ; and he concluded 
by intreating me to present him with it ; assuring me, for 
my. consolation under the loss of it, that he would wear it 
on all public occasions, and inform every one who saw it, 
*£ my great liberality towards him. The request of an A£- 

E 2 



54 



TRAVELS IN THE 



rican prince, in his own dominions, particularly when made 
to a stranger, comes little short of a command. It is only 
a way of obtaining by gentle means, what he can, if he 
pleases, take by force ; and as it was against my interest to 
offend him by a refusal, I very quietly took off my coat, the 
only good one in my possession, and laid it at his feet. 

In return for my compliance, he presented me with great 
plenty of provisions, and desired to see me again in the 
■morning. I accordingly attended, and found him sitting 
upon his bed. He told me he was sick, and wished" to 
have a little blood taken from him ; but I had no sooner 
tied up his arm, and displayed the lancet, than his courage 
failed ; and he begged me to postpone the operation till the 
afternoon, as he felt himself, he said, much better than he had 
been, and thanked me kindly for my readiness to serve him. 
He then observed, that his women were very desirous to 
see me, and requested that I would favour them with a visit. 
An attendant was ordered to conduct me; and I had no 
sooner entered the court appropriated to the ladies, than the 
whole seraglio surrounded me ; some begging for physic, 
some for amber ; and all of them desirous of trying that 
great African specific, blood-letting. They were ten or 
Hvelve in number, most of them young and handsome, and 
wearing on their heads ornaments of gold, and beads of am- 
Ber. 

They rallied me with a good deal of gaiety on different 
subjects ; particularly upon the whiteness of my skin, and 
the prominency of my nose. They insisted that both 
"were artificial. The first, they said, was produced when 
J was an infant, by dipping me in milk; and they insist- 
ed that my nose had been pinched every day, till it had 
acquired its present unsightly and unnatural conforma- 
tion. On my part, without disputing my own deformity, 
I paid them many compliments on African beauty. I prais- 
ed the glossy jet of their skins, and the lovely depression 
of their noses; but they said that flattery, or (as they em- 
phatically termed it) honey-mouth, was not esteemed in 
Eondou. In return, however, for my company or my 
compliments (to which, by the way, they seemed not so 
insensible as they affected to be) they presented me 
with a jar of honey and some fish, which were sent to 
my lodging ; and I was desired to come again to the king a 
little before sunset. 

I carried with me some be&ds and writing paper, it Be* 



INTERIOR OF AFRICA. 



5v 



ing usual to present some small offering on taking leave : 
In return for which the king gave me five drachms of gold ; 
observing, that it was but a trifle, and given out of pure 
friendship ; but would be of use to me in travelling, for the 
purchase of provisions. He seconded this act of kindness 
by one still greater ; politely telling me, that though it was 
customary to examine the baggage of every traveller pas- 
sing through his country, yet, in the present instance, he 
would dispense with that ceremony ; adding, I was at liber- 
ty to depart when I pleased. 

Accordingly, on the morning of the 23d, we left Fatte- 
conda, and about eleven o'clock came to a small village, 
where we determined to stop for the rest of the day 

In the afternoon my fellow-travellers informed me, that 
as this'was the boundary between Bondou and Kajaaga, and 
dangerous for travellers, it would be necessary to continue 
our journey by night, until we should reach a more hospi- 
table part of the country. I agreed to the proposal, and 
hired two people for guides through the woods ; and as soon 
as the people of the village were gone to sleep (the moon 
shinning bright) we set out. The stillness of the air, the 
howling of the wild beasts, and the deep solitude of the for- 
est, made the scene solemn and impressive. Not a word 
was uttered by any of us, but in a whisper; all were atten- 
tive, and every one anxious to shew his sagacity, by point- 
ing out to me the wolves and hyaenas as they glided, like 
shadows, from one thicket to another. Towards morning, 
we arrived at a village called Kimmoo, where our guides 
awakened one of their acquaintances, and we stopped to 
give the asses some corn, and roast a few ground-nuts for 
ourselves. At day-light we resumed our journey, and in 
the afternoon arrived at Joag in the kingdom of Kajaaga. 

Being now in a country, and among a people, differing in 
many respects from those that have as yet fallen under our 
observation, I shall, before I proceed further, give some ac- 
count of Bondou (the territory we have left) and its inhabi- 
tants, the Foulahs, the description of whom I purposely re- 
served for this part of my work. 

Bondou is bounded on the east by Bambouk ; on the south- 
east, and south, by Tenda, and the Simbani wilderness ; on 
the south-west by Woolli ; on the west by Foota Torra ; 
and on the north by Kajaaga 

The country, like that of Woolli } is very generally coy- 



56 



TRAVELS IN. THE 



ered with woods, but the land is more elevated, and towards 
the Faleme river, rises into considerable hills. In native 
fertility, the soil is not surpassed, I believe, by any part of 
Africa. 

From the central situation of Bondou, between the Gam- 
bia and Senegal rivers, it is become a place of great resort, 
both for the Slatees, who generally pass through it, in going 
from the coast to the interior countries; and for occasional 
traders, who frequently come hither from the inland coun- 
tries, to purchase salt. 

These different branches of commerce are conducted 
principally by Mandingoes and Serawoollies, who have set- 
tled in the country. These merchants likewise carry on a 
considerable trade with Gedumah,and other Moorish coun- 
tries, bartering corn and blue cotton cloths for salt; which 
they again barter in Dentila, and other districts, for iron, 
shea-butter, and small quantities of gold dust. They like- 
wise sell a variety of sweet smelling gums packed in small 
bags, containing each about a pound. These gums, being;, 
thrown on hot embers, produce a very pleasant odour, and are 
used by the Mandingoes for perfuming their huts and 
clothes. 

The customs, or duties, on travellers, are very heavy ;, 
in almost every town an ass load pays a bar of European 
merchandize, and at Fatteconda, the residence of the king, 
one Indian baft, or a musket, and six bottles of gunpowder, 
are exacted as the common tribute. By means of these 
duties, the king of Bondou is well supplied with arms and 
ammunition ; a circumstance which makes him formidable 
to the neighbouring states. 

The inhabitants differ in their complexion and national 
manners from the Mandingoes and Serawoollies, with 
whom they are frequently at war. Some years ago, the 
king of Bondou crossed the Faleme river with a numerous 
army, and after a short and bloody campaign, totally de- 
feated the forces of Samboo, king of Bambouk, who was 
obliged to sue for peace, and surrender to him all the towns 
along the eastern bank of the Faleme. 

The Foulahsin general (as has been observed in a former 
chapter) are of a tawny complexion, with small features^ 
and soft silky hair ; next to the Mandingoes, they are un- 
doubtedly the most considerable of all the nations in this 
part of Africa. Their original country is said te be 



INTERIOR OF AFRICA. 



37 



Fooladoo (which signifies the country of the Foulahs) 
but they possess at present many other kingdoms at a great 
distance from each other ; Their complexion, however, is 
not exactly the same in the differents districts; in Bondou, 
and the other kingdoms which are situated in the vicinity 
of the Moorish territories, they are of a more yellow com- 
plexion than in the southern states. 

The Foulahs of Bondou are naturally of a mild and gen- 
tle disposition, but the uncharitable maxims of the Koran 
has made them less hospitable to strangers, and more re- 
served in their behaviour than the Mandingoes. They 
evidently consider all the Negro natives as their inferiors ; 
and when talking of different nations, always rank them- 
selves among the white people. 

Their government differs from that of the Mandingoes 
chiefly in this, that they are more immediately under the 
influence of the Madomedan laws ; for all the chief men 
; (the king excepted) and a large majority of the inhabitants 
j of Bondou, are Mussulmen, and the authority and laws of 
j the Prophet, are every where looked upon as sacred and de- 
cisive. In the exercise of their faith, however, they are 
not very intolerant towards such of their countrymen as 
still retain their ancient superstitions. Religious persecu- 
tion is not known among them, nor is it necessary; for the 
system of Mahomet is made to extend itself by means 
abundantly more efficacious. By establishing small schools in 
the different towns, where many of the Pagan as well as 
Mahomedan children are taught to read the Koran, and in- 
structed in the tenets of the Prophet, the Mahomedan priests 
fix a bias on the minds, and form the character of their 
young disciples, which no accidents of life can ever after- 
wards remove or alter. Many of these little schools I visit- 
ed in my progress through the country, and observed with 
pleasure, the great docility and submissive deportment of 
the children, and heartily wished they had had better instruc- 
tors, and a purer religion. 

With the Mahomedan faith is also introduced the Arabic 
language, with which most of the Foulahs have a slight ac- 
quaintance. Their native tongue abounds very much in 
liquids, but there is something unpleasant in the manner of 
pronouncing it. A stranger on hearing the common con- 
versation of two Foulahs, would imagine that they were 
scolding each other, Their numeral* are these: — 



58 



TRAVELS IN THE 



One 


— — 


Go. 


Two 





Deeddee. 


Three 




Tettee. 


Four 




Wee. 


Five 


- 


Jouee. 


Six 




J ego. 


Seven 




Jedeeddee. 


Eight 




Je Tettee. 


Nine 




Je JSfee. 


Ten 




Safipo. 



The industry of the Foulahs, in the occupations of 
pasturage and agriculture, is every where remarkable. 
Even on the banks of the Gambia, the greater part of the 
corn is raised by them ; and their herds and flocks are 
more numerous and in better condition than those of the 
Mandingoes ; but in Bondou they are opulent in a high de- 
gree, and enjoy all the necessaries of life in the greatest 
profusion. They display great skill in the management of 
their cattle, making them extremely gentle by kindness 
and familiarity. On the approach of night, they are col- 
lected from the woods, and secured in folds, called korrees, 
which are constructed in the neighbourhood of the different 
villages. In the middle of each korree is erected a small 
hw- wherein one or two of the herdsmen keep watch during 
the night, to prevent the cattle from being stolen, and to 
keep up the fire which are kindled round the korree to 
frighten away the wild beasts. 

The cattle are milked in the mornings and evenings : 
The milk is excellent; but the quantity obtained from any 
one cow is by no means so great as in Europe. The Fou- 
lahs use the milk chiefly as an article of diet, and that, not 
until it is quite sour. The cream which it affords is very- 
thick, and is converted into butter by stirring it violently in 
a large calabash. This butter, when melted over a gentle 
fire, and freed from impurities, is preserved in small 
earthern pots, and forms a part in most of their dishes ; it 
serves likewise to anoint their heads, and is bestowed very 
liberally on their faces and arms. 

But although milk is plentiful, it is somewhat remarkable 
that the Foulahs, and indeed all the inhabitants of this part of 
Africa, are totally unacquainted with the art of making 
cheese. A firm attachment to the customs of their ances- 



INTERIOR OF AFRICA. 



59 



tors, makes them view with an eye of prejudice every thing 
that looks like innovation. The heat of the climate, and 
the great scarcity of salt, are held forth as unanswerable 
objection ; and the whole process appears to them too long 
and troublesome, to be attended with any solid advantage. 

Besides the cattle, which constitute the chief wealth of 
the Foulahs, they possess some excellent horses, the breed 
of which seems to be a mixture of the Arabian with the 
original African. 

CHAPTER V. 

Account of Kajagaa. Serawooilies : their ?nanners and 
language. Account of Joag. The author is ill treated 
and robbed of half his effects, by order of the king. 
Charity of a female slave. The author is visited by Dem- 
ba Sego, nephew of the king ef Kasson, who offers to 
conduct Mm in safety to Kasson. The author and Dem- 
ba set out, with a numerous retinue, and reach Samee, 
on the banks of the Senegal ; proceeds to Kayee, and 
crossing the Senegal, arrives in the kingdom of Kasson. 

THE kingdom of Kaajaga, in which I was now arrived, 
is called by the French, Gallam ; but the name that I have 
adopted, is universally used by the natives. This country- 
is bounded on the south-east and south by Bambouk ; on 
the west by Bondou and Foota Torra ; and on the north by 
the river Senegal. 

The air and climate are, I believe, more pure and salu- 
brious than at any of the settlements towards the coast ; 
the face of the country is every where interspersed with 
a pleasing variety of hills and vallies ; and the windings of 
the Senegal river, which descends from the rocky hills of 
the interior, make the scenery on its banks very pictures- 
que and beautiful. 

The inhabitants are called Serawoollies, or (as the 
French write it) Seracolets. Their complexion is a jet 
black ; they are not to be distinguished in this respect from 
the Jaloffs. 

The government is monarchical; and the regal authority 
from what I experienced of it, seems to-be sufficienly for- 
midable. The people themselves, however, complain of 



60 



TRAVELS IN THE 



no oppression ; and seemed all very anxious to support the 
king, in a contest be was going to enter into with the sov- 
ereign of Kasson. The Serawoollies are habitually a trad- 
ing people ; they formerly carried on a great commerce 
with the French, in gold and slaves, and still maintain some 
traffic in slaves with the British factories on the Gambia. 
They are reckoned tolerably fair and just in their dealings, 
but are indefatigable in their exertions to acquire wealth, 
and they derive considerable profits by the sale of salt, and 
cotton cloth, in distant countries. When a Serawoolli mer- 
chant returns home from a trading expedition, the neigh- 
bours immediately assemble to congratulate him upon his 
arrival. On these occasions the traveller displays his 
wealth and liberality, by making a few presents to his 
friends; but if he has been unsuccessful, his levee is soon 
over; and every one looks upon him as a man of no under- 
standing, who could perform a long journey, and (as they 
express it) bring buck nothing bat the hair upon his head. 

Their language abounds much in gutturals, and is not so 
harmonious as that spoken by the Foulahs ; it is, however, 
well worth acquiring by those who travel through this part 
of the African continent; it being very generally under- 
stood in the kingdoms of Kasson, Kaarta, Ludamar, and the 
northern parts of Bambara. In all these countries the Ser- 
awoollies are the chief traders. Their numerals are, 



One Rani. 

Two Fillo. 

Three Sicco. 

Four JVarrato* 

Five Karrago, 

Six Too mo. 

Seven JVero. 

Eight Sego. 

Nine Kabbo. 

Ten Tamo. 

Twenty Tamo di fillo. 

We arrived at Joag, the frontier town of this kingdom, 
on the 24th of December; and took up our residence at the 
house of the chief man, who is here no longer known by the 
title of Alkaid, but is called the Booty % He" was a rigid Ma* 
homedan, but distinguished for his hospitality. This town 



INTERIOR OF AFRICA. 61 

•may be supposed, on a gross computation, to contain two 
thousand inhabitants. It is surrounded by a high wall, in 
which are a number of port holes, for musquetry to fire 
through, in case of an attack. Every man's possession is 
likewise surrounded by a wall; the whole forming so many- 
distinct citadels; and amongst a people unacquainted with 
the use of artillery, these walls answer all the purposes of 
stronger fortifications. To the westward of the town is a 
small river, on the banks of which the natives raise great 
plenty of tobacco and onions. 

The same evening Madiboo, the Bushreen, who had ac- 
companied me from Pisania, went to pay a visit to his father 
and mother, who dwelt at a neighbouring town called Dra- 
manet. He was joined by my other attendant the black- 
smith ; and as soon as it was dark, I was invited to see the 
sports of the inhabitants, it being their custom on the arri- 
val of strangers, to welcome them by diversions of different 
kinds. I found a great croud surrounding a party who 
were dancing, by the light of some large fires, to the music 
of four drums, which w r ere beat with great exactness and 
uniformity. The dances, however, consisted more in wan- 
ton gestures, than in muscular exertion or graceful atti- 
tudes : The ladies vied with each other in displaying the 
most voluptuous movements imaginable. 

Dec. 25th. About two o'clock in the morning, a number 
of horsemen came into the town, and having awakened my 
landlord, talked to him for some time in the Serawoolli 
tongue, after which they dismounted, and came o the Ben- 
tang on which I bad made my bed. One of them thinking 
that I was asleep, attempted to steal the musket that lay bu- 
llae on the mat; but finding that he could not effect his pur- 
pose undiscovered, he desisted ; and the strangers sat down 
by me till day light. 

I could now easily perceive, by the countenance of my 
interpreter, Johnson, that something very unpleasant was in 
agitation. I was likewise surprised to see Madiboo and the 
blacksmith so soon returned. On inquiring the reason, 
Madiboo informed me that as they were dancing at Drama- 
net, ten horsemen belonging to Batcheri, king of the coun- 
try, with his second son at their head, had arrived there, in- 
quiring if the white man had passed ; and or» being told that 
I was a- Joag, they rode off without stooping. Madiboo 
added, that on hearing this, lie and the blacksmith hastened 

F 



62 



TRAVELS IN THE 



back to give me notice of their coming. Whilst I was lis- 
tening to this narrative, the ten horsemen mentioned by 
Madiboo arrived ; and coming to the Bentang, dismounted 
and seated themselves with those who had come before, th.e 
-whole being about twenty in number, forming a circle round 
me, and each man holding his musket in his hand. I took 
this opportunity to observe to my landlord, that as I did not 
understand the Serawoolli tongue, I hoped, whatever the 
men had to say, they would* speak in Mandingo. To this 
they agreed, and a short man, loaded with a remarkable 
number of saphies, opened the business in a very long har- 
rangue, informing me that I had entered the king's town 
without having first paid the duties, or giving any present 
to the king, and that according to the laws of the country, 
my people, cattle, and baggage, were forfeited. He added 
that they had received orders from the king to conduct me 
to Maana*, the place of his residence ; and if I refused to 
come with them, their orders were to bring me by force ; 
upon his saying which, all of them rose up and asked me if 
I was ready. It would have been equally vain and impru- 
dent in me to have resisted or irritated such a body of men ; 
I therefore affected to comply with their commands, and 
begged them only to stop a little, until I had given my horse 
a feed of corn, and settled matters with my landlord. The 
poor blacksmith, who was a native of Kasson, mistook this 
feigned compliance for a real intention, and taking me 
away from the company, told me, that he had always 
behaved towards me as if I had been his father and master ; 
and he hoped that I would, not entirely ruin him, by going 
to Maana; adding, that as there was every reason to believe 
a war would soon take place between Kasson and Kajaaga, 
he should not only loose his little property, the savings of 
four years' industry, but should certainly be detained and 
sold as a slave, unless his Iriends had an opportunity of pay- 
ing two slaves for his redemption. I saw this reasoning in 
its full force, and determined to do my utmost to preserve 
the blacksmith from so dreadful a fate. I therefore told 
the king's son that I was ready to go with him, upon condi- 
tion that the blacksmith, who was an inhabitant of a distant 
kingdom, and entirely unconnected with me, should be al- 

* Maana is within a short distance of the ruins of Fort St. Joseph,, 
on the Senegal river 3 formerly a French factory, 



INTERIOR OF AFRICA. 



63 



lowed to stay at Joag, tillmy return ; to this they all object- 
ed, and insisted, that as we had all acted contrary to the 
laws, we were all equally answerable for our conduct. 

I now took my landlord aside, and giving him a small 
present of gunpowder, asked his advice in so critical a situ- 
ation ; he was decidedly of opinion that I ought not to go to 
the king ; he was fully convinced, he said, that if the king 
should discover any thing valuable in my possession, he 
would not be over scrupulous about the means of obtaining 
it. This made me the mere solicitous to conciliate matters 
with the king's people, and I began by observing, that 
what I had done did not proceed from any want of respect 
towards the king, nor from any wish to violate his laws, but 
wholly from my own inexperience and ignorance, being a 
stranger, totally unacquainted with the laws find customs of 
their country ; I had indeed entered the king's frontier, 
without knowing that I was to pay the duties beforehand, 
but I was ready to pay them now; which I thought was ali 
they could reasonably demand. I then tendered them, as 
a present to the king, the five drachms of gold which the 
king of Bondou had given me ; this they accepted, but in- 
sisied on examining my baggage, which I opposed in vain. 
The bundles were opened; but the men were much disap- 
pointed in not finding in them so much gold and amber as 
they expected ; they made up the deficiency, however, by 
taking whatever things they fancied ; and after wrangling 
and debating with me till sunset, they departed, having first 
robbed me of half my goods. These proceedings dispirit- 
ed my people, and our fortitude was not strengthened by a 
very indifferent supper, after a long fast. Madiboo begged 
me to turn back; Johnson laughed at the thoughts of pro- 
ceeding without money, and the blacksmith was afraid to be 
seen, or even to speak, lest any one should discover him to 
be a native of Kasson. In this disposition we passed the 
night by the side of a dim fire, and our situation the next day 
was very perplexing; it was impossible to procure pro- 
visions without money, and I knew that if I produced any 
beads or amber, the king would immediately hear of it, and 
I should probably loose the few effects I had concealed. 
We therefore resolved to combat hunger for the day; and 
wait some favourable opportunity of purchasing or begging- 
pro vis ions. 

Towards evening, as I was sitting upon the Ben tang. 



64 



TRAVELS IN THE 



chewing straws, an old female slave, passing by with a bas- 
ket upon her head, asked me if I had got my dinner. As I 
thought she only laughed at me, I gave her no answer; but 
my boy, who was sitting close by, answered for me; and 
told her, that the king's people had robbed me of all my 
money. On hearing this, the good old woman, with a look 
of unaffected benevolence, immediately took the basket 
from her head, and shewed me that it contained ground 
nuts, asked me if I could eat them ; being answered in the 
affirmative, she presented me with a few handfulls, and 
walked away, before I had time to thank her for this season- 
able supply. This trifling circumstance gave me peculiar 
satisfaction: I reflected with pleasure on the conduct of 
this poor untutored slave, who, without examining into my 
character or circumstances, listened implicitly to the dic- 
tates of her own heart. Experience had taught her that 
hunger was painful, and her own distresses made her com- 
miserate those of others. 

The old woman had scarcely left me, when I received in*- 
formation, that a nephew of Dembo Sego Jalla, the Man- 
dingo king of Kasson, was coming to pay me a visit. He 
had been sent on an embassy to Batcheri, king of Kajaaga* 
to endeavour to settle the disputes w r hkh had arisen be- 
tween his uncle and the latter; but after debating the mat- 
ter four days without success, he was now on his return; 
and hearing that a white man was at Joag, on his way to 
Kasson, curiosity brought him to see me. I represented 
to him my situation and distress; when he frankly offered 
me his protection, and said he would be my guide to Kas- 
son (provided I would set out the next morning) and be an- 
swerable for my safety. I readily and gratefully accepted 
his offer; and was ready, with my attendants, by daylight, 
on the morning of the 27th of December. 

My protector, whose name was Demba Sego, probably 
after his uncle, had a numerous retinue. Our company at 
leaving Joag, consisted of thirty persons^ and six loaded as- 
ses ; and we rode on cheerfulLy enough for some hours, 
without any remarkable occurrence, until we came to a spe- 
cies of tree, for which my interpreter, Johnson, had made 
frequent inquiry. On finding it, he desired us to stop ; and 
producing a white chicken, which he had purchased at 
Joag for the purpose, he tied it by the leg to one of the 
branches, and dies told us we might now safely proceed* for 



INTERIOR OF AFRICA. 



63 



that our journey would be prosperous. This circumstance 
is mentioned, merely to illustrate the disposition of the Ne- 
groes, and to shew the power of superstition over their 
minds ; for although this man had resided seven years in 
England, it was evident that he still retained the prejudices 
and notions he had imbibed in his youth. He meant this 
ceremony, he told me, as an offering, or sacrifice, to the 
spirits of the woods ; who- were, he said, a powerful race of 
beings, of a white colour, with long flowing hair. I laugh- 
ed at his folly, but could not condemn the piety of his mo- 
tives. 

At noon we had reached Gungadi, a large town, where 
we stopped about an hour, until some of the asses that had 
fallen behind came up. Here I observed a number of dat5 
trees, and a mosque built of clay, with six turrets, on the 
pinnacles of which were placed six ostrich eggs, A little 
before sunset we arrived at the town of Samee, on the banks 
of the Senegal, which is here abeautiful, but shallow river, 
moving slowly over a bed of sand and gravel. The banks 
are high, and covered with verdure; the country is open 
and cultivated ; the rocky hills of Felow and Bambouk, add 
much to the beauty of the landscape. 

December 28. We departed from Samee, and arrived 
in the afternoon at Kayee, a large village, apart of which Is 
situated on the north, and part on the south side of the rivei\ 
A little above this place is a considerable cataract, where 
the river flows over a ledge of whin-stone rock, with great 
force ; below this, the river is remarkably black and deep; 
and here it was proposed to make our cattle swim over.—. 
After hallooing, and firing some muskets, the people on the 
Kasson side observed us, and brought over a canoe to car- 
ry our baggage. I did not, however, think it possible to 
get the cattle down the bank, which is here more than for- 
ty feet above the water ; but the Negroes seized the horses, 
and launched them one at a time, down a sort of trench or 
gully, that was almost perpendicular, and seemed to have 
been worn smooth by this sort of use. After the terrified 
cattle had been plunged in this manner to the water's edge^ 
every man got down as well as he could. The ferryman 
then taking hold of the most steady of the horses by a rope,, 
led him into the water, and paddled the canoe a little from 
the brink ; upon which a general attack commenced upon 
Ihe other horses., who finding themselves pelted and kicked" 



66 



TRAVELS IN THE 



on all sides, unanimously plunged into the river, and follow* 
ed their companion. A few boys swam in after them, and 
by laving water upon them when they attemped to. re-turn? 
urged them onwards ; and we had the satisfaction, in about 
fifteen minutes, to see them all safe on the other side. It 
was a matter of greater difficulty to manage the asses ; their 
natural stubbornness of disposition made them endure a 
great deal of pelting and shoving, before they would ven- 
ture into the water; and when they had reached the middle 
of the stream, four of them turned back, in spite of every 
exertion to get them forwards. Two hours were spent in 
getting the whole of them over ; an hour more was employ- 
ed in transporting the baggage ; and it was near sunset be- 
fore the canoe returned, when DembaSego and myself em- 
barked in this dangerous passage-boat, which the least mo- 
tion was like to overset. The king's nephew thought this 
a proper time to have a peep into a tin box of mine, that 
stood in the fore part of the canoe ; and in stretching out 
his hand for it, he unfortunately destroyed the equilibrium?, 
and overset the canoe. Luckily we were not far advanced, 
and got back to the shore without much difficulty ; from 
whence, after wringing the water from our clothes, we took 
a fresh departure, and where soon afterwards safely landed 
in Kasson. 



CHAPTER VI. 

Arrival at Teesee. Interview with Tiggity Sego, the king*& 
brother. Detention at Teesee : Account of that filace 
and its inhabitants : Incidents which occurred there, Ra~ 
Jiacious conduct of I'iggity Sego on the Author's depar- 
ture. Proceeds for Kooniakary, the capital of the king' 
dam : incidents, on the road and arrival there y 

We no sooner found ourselves safe in Kasson, than Dem- 
ba Sego told me, that we were now in his uncle's domin- 
ions, and he hoped I would consider, being now out of dan- 
ger, the obligation I owed to him, and make him a suitable 
return for the trouble he had taken on my account, bp a 



INTERIOR OF AFRICA. 



6J 



handsome present. This, as he knew how much had been 
pilfered from me at Joag, was rather an unexpected propo- 
sition; and I began to fear that I had not much improved 
my condition by crossing the water; but as it would have 
been" folly to complain, I made no observation upon his con- 
duct, and gave him seven bars of amber, and some tobacco ; 
with which he seemed to be content. 

After a long day's journey, in the course of which I ob- 
served a number of large loose nodules of white granite, 
we arrived at Teesee on the evening of December 29th, 
and were accommodated in Demba Sego's hut The nest 
morning he introduced me to his father Tiggity Sego, bro- 
ther to the king of Kasson, chief of Teesee. The old man 
viewed me with great earnestness, having never, he said, 
beheld but one white man before, whom by his description, 
I immediately knew to be Major Houghton. I related to 
him, in answer to his inquiries, the motives that induced 
me to explore the country. But he seemed to doubt the 
truth of what I asserted - r thinking, I believe, that I secret- 
ly meditated some project which I was afraid to avow. He 
told me it would be necessary I should go to Kooniakary, 
the residence of the king, to pay my respects to that prince ' 7 
but desired me to come to him again before I left Teesee. 

In the afternoon one of his slaves eloped; and a general 
alarm being given, every person that had a horse rode into 
the woods, in the hopes of apprehending him ; and Demba 
Sego begged the use of my horse for the same purpose. I 
readily consented ; and in about an hour they all returned 
with the slave, who was severely flogged, and afterwards 
put in irons. On the day following, (December 31,) Dem- 
ba Sego was ordered to go with twenty horsemen to a town 
in Gedumah, to adjust some dispute with the Moors, a par- 
ty of whom were supposed to have stolen three horses from 
Teesee. Demba begged, a second time, the use of my 
horse, adding, that the sight of my bridle and saddle wouLd 
give him consequence among the Moors. This request 
also I readily granted, and he promised to return at the end 
of three days* During his absence I amused myself with 
walking about the town, and conversing with the natives, 
who attended me every where with great kindness and cu- 
riosity, and supplied me with milk, eggs, and what other 
provisions I wanted, on very easy terms. 

Teesee is a large un walled town, having no security 



63 



TRAVELS IN THE 



against the attack of an enemy, except a sort of citadel, in 
which Tiggity and his family constantly reside. This town,, 
according to the report of the natives, was formerly inhabi- 
ted only by a few Foulah shepherds, who lived in conside- 
rable affluence by means of the excellent meadows in the 
neighbourhood, in which they reared great herds of cattle. 
But their prosperity attracting the envy of some Mandin- 
goes, the latter drove out the shepherds, and took posses- 
sion of their lands. 

The present inhabitants, though they possess both cattle 
and corn in abundance, are not over nice in articles of diet; 
rats, moles, squirrels, snakes, locusts, kc. are eaten with- 
out scruple by the highest and lowest. My people were 
one evening invited to a feast given by some of the towns- 
men, where, after making a hearty meal of what they thought 
fish and kouskous, one of them found a piece of hard skin 
in the dish, and brought it along with him, to shew me what 
sort of fish they had been eating. On examining the skin, 
I found they had been feasting on a large snake. Another 
custom still more extraordinary, is, that no woman is allow- 
ed to eat an egg. This prohibition, whether arising from 
ancient superstition, or from the craftiness of some old 
Bushreen who loved eggs himself, is rigidly adhered to, 
and nothing will more affront a woman of Teesee, than to 
offer her an egg. The custom is the more singular, as the 
men eat eggs without scruple in the presence of their wives, 
and I never observed the same prohibition in any other of 
the Mandingo countries. 

The third day after his son's departure, Tiggity Sego 
held a palaver on a very extraordinary occasion, which I at- 
tended; and the debates on both sides of the question dis- 
played much ingenuity. The case was this : A young man, 
a Kafir, of considerable affluence, who had recently married 
a young and handsome wife, applied to a very devout Bush- 
reen, or Mussulman priest, of his acquaintance, to procure 
him saphies for his protection during the approaching war. 
The Bushreen Complied with the request ; and in order, as 
lie pretended, to render the saphies more efficacious f en- 
joined the young man, to avoid any nuptial intercourse with 
his bride for the space of six weeks. Severe as the injunc- 
tion was, the Kafir, strictly obeyed ; and without telling his 
wife the real cause, absented himself from her company.— 
in the mean time it began to be whispered at Teesee^ that 



INTERIOR OF AFRICA. 



6"9 



the Bushreen, who always performed his evening devotions 
at the door of the Kafir's hut, was more intimate with the 
young wife than he ought to be. At first, the good husband 
was unwilling to suspect the honour of his sanctified friend, 
and one whole month elapsed before any jealousy rose in 
his mind ; but hearing the charge repeated, he at last inter- 
rogated his wife on the subject, who frankly confessed that 
the Bushreen had seduced her. Hereupon the Kafir put 
her into confinement, and called a palaver upon the Bush- 
reen's conduct. The fact was clearly proved against him; 
and he was sentenced to be sold into slavery, or to find two 
slaves for his redemption, according to the pleasure of the 
complainant. The injured husband, however, was unwil- 
ling to proceed against his friend to such extremity, and 
desired rather to have him publicly flogged before Tiggity 
Sego's gate. This was agreed to, and the sentence was 
immediately executed. The culprit was tied by the hands 
to a strong stake; and a long black rod being brought forth, 
the executioner, after flourishing it round his head for some 
time, applied it with such force and dexterity to the Bush- 
reen's back, as to make him roar until the woods resound- 
ed with his screams. The surrounding multitude, by their 
hooting and laughing, manifested how much they enjoyed 
the punishment of this old gallant; and it is worthy ol re- 
mark, that the number of stripes was precisely the same as 
are enjoined by the Mosaic law, forty, save one. 

As there appeared great probability that Teesee, from its 
being a frontier town, would be much exposed during the 
war to the predatory excursions of the Moors of Gadumah, 
Tiggity Sego had, before my arrival, sent round to the 
neighbouring villages, to beg or to purchase as much pro- 
visions, as would afford subsistance to the inhabitants for 
one whole year, independently of the crop on the ground, 
which the Moors might destroy. This project was well 
received by the country people, and they fixed a day on 
w r hich to bring all the provisions they could spare to Tee- 
see, and as my horse was not yet returned, I went, in the 
afternoon of January 4th, 1796, to meet the escort with the 
provisions. 

It was composed of about 400 men, marching in good or- 
der, with corn and ground-nuts in calabashes upon their 
heads. They were preceded by a strong guard of bow- 
men, and followed by eight musicians or singing men. As 



70 



TRAVELS IN THE 



scon as they approached tbe town, the latter began a song, 
every verse of which was answered by the company, and 
succeeded by a few strokes on the large drums In this 
manner they proceeded, amidst the acclamations of the 
populace, till they reached the house of Tiggity Sego, 
where the loads were deposited ; and in the evening they 
all assembled under the Bentang tree, and spent the night 
in dancing and merriment. Many of these strangers re- 
mained at Teesee for three days, during which time I was 
constantly attended by as many of them as could convenient- 
ly see me ; one party giving way to another, as soon as cu* 
ripsity was gratified. 

On the 5th of January * an embassy of ten people, belong- 
ing to Aimami Abdulkader, king of Foota Torra, a country 
to the west of Bond on, arrived at Teesee; and desiring 
Tiggity Sego to cali an assembly of the inhabitants, an- 
nounced publicly their king's determination to this effect : 
" That unless all the people of Kasson would embrace the 
Mahomedan religion, and evince their conversion by saying 
eleven public prayers, he (the king of Foota Torra) could 
not possibly stand neuter in the present contest, but would 
certainly join his arms to those of Kajaaga." A message of 
this nature, from so powerful a prince, could not fail to cre- 
ate great alarm ; and the inhabitants of Teesee, after a long 
consultation, agreed to conform to his good pleasure, hu- 
miliating as it was to them, Accordingly, one and all pub- 
licly offered up eleven prayers, which were considered a 
sufficient testimony of their having renounced Paganism, 
and embraced the doctrines of the Prophet. 

It was the 8th of January before Demba Sego returned 
with my horse, and being quite wearied out with the delay, 
I went immediately to inform his father, that I should set 
out for Kooniakary early the next day. The old man made 
many frivolous objections; and at length gave mc to under- 
stand, that I must not think of departing, without first pay- 
ing him the duties he was entitled to receive from all tra- 
vellers ; besides which, he expected, he said, some ac- 
knowledgment for his kindness towards me. According- 
ly on the morning of the 9th, my friend Demba, with a 
number of people, came to me, and said, that they were 
sent by Tiggity Sego for my present, and wished to see 
what goods I had appropriated for that purpose, I knew 
that resistance was hopeless, and complaint unavailing ; and 



INTERIOR OF AFRICA. 



71 



being in some measure prepared, by the intimation I bad 
received the night before, I quietly offered him seven bars 
of amber, and five of tobacco. After surveying these arti- 
cles for some time very coolly, Demba laid them down, and 
told me, this was not a present for a man of Tiggity Sego's 
consequence, who had it in his power to take whatever he 
pleased from me. He added, that if I did not consent to 
make him a larger offering, he would carry all my baggage 
to his father, and let him choose for himself. I had no time 
for reply ; for Demba and bis attendants immediately began 
to open my bundles, and spread the different articles on the 
floor, where they underwent a more strict examination than 
they had done at Joag. Every thing that pleased them they 
took without scruple ; and amongst other things, Demba 
seized the tin box, which had so much attracted his atten- 
tion in crossing the river. Upon collecting the scattered 
remains of my little fortune after these people had left me, 
I found that, as at Joag I had been plundered of half, so 
here, without even the shadow of accusation, I was deprived 
of half the remainder. The blacksmith himself, though 
a native of Kasson, had also been compelled to open his 
bundles, and take an oath that the different articles they con- 
tained were his own exclusive property. There was, how- 
ever, no remedy ; and having been under some obligation 
to Demba Sego for his attention towards me in the journey 
from Joag, I did not reproach him for his rapacity, but de- 
termined to quit Teesee at all events the nexH morning. In 
the mean while, in order to raise the drooping spirits of my 
attendants, I purchased a fat sheep, and had it dressed for 
our dinner. 

Early in the morning of January 10th, therefore, I left 
Teesee, and about mid-day ascending a ridge, from whence 
we had a distant view of the hills round Kooniakary. In the 
evening we reached a small village, where we slept, and 
departing from thence the next morning, crossed in a few 
hours, a narrow but deep stream called Krieko, a branch of 
the Senegal About two miles farther to the eastward, we 
passed a large town called Madina ; and at two o'clock came 
in sight of Jumbo, the blacksmith's native town, from 
whence he had been absent more than four years. Soon after 
this, his brother, who had by some means been apprised of 
his coming, came out to meet him, accompanied by a sing- 
ing man j he brought a horse for the blacksmith, that he 



TRAVELS IN THE 



might enter his native town in a dignified manner; and he 
desired each of us to put a good charge of powder into our 
guns. The singing man now led the way, followed by the 
two brothers; and we were presently joined by a number of 
people from the town, all of whom demonstrated great joy 
at seeing their old acquaintance the blacksmith, by the most 
extravagant jumping and singing. On entering the town, 
the singing man began an extempore song in praise of the 
blacksmith, extolling his courage in having overcome so 
many difficulties, and concluding with a strict injunction to 
his friends to dress him plenty of victuals. 

When we arrived at the blacksmith's place of residence, 
we dismounted and fired our muskets. The meeting be- 
tween him and his relations was very tender; for these rude 
children of nature, free from restraint, display their emo- 
tions in the strongest and most expressive manner. Amidst 
these transports, the blacksmith's aged mother was led forth, 
leaning upon a staff. Every one made way for her, and she 
stretched out her hand to bid her son welcome. Being 
totally blind, she stroked his hands, arms, and face, with 
great care, and seemed highly delighted, that her latter days 
were blessed by his return, and that her ears once more 
heard the music of his voice. From this interview I was 
fully convinced, that whatever difference there is between 
the Negro and European in the conformation of the nose 
and the colour of the skin, there is none in the genuine 
sympathies and characteristic feelings of our common 
nature. 

During the tumult of these congratulations, I had seated 
myself apart, by the side of one of the huts, being unwilling 
to interrupt the flow of filial and parental tenderness ; and 
the attention of the company was so entirely taken up with 
the blacksmith, that I believe none of his friends had observ- 
ed me. When all the people present had seated them- 
selves, the blacksmith was desired by his father to give 
them some account of his adventures, and silence being 
commanded, he began; and after repeatedly thanking God 
for the success that bad attended him, related every mate- 
rial occurrence that had happened to him, from his leaving 
Kasson to his arrival at the Gambia; his employment and 
success in those parts ; and the dangers he had escaped in 
returning to his native country. In the latter part of his 
narration, he had frequently occasion to mention mc ; and 



INTERIOR OF AFRICA, 



73 



after many strong expressions concerning my kindness to 
him, he pointed to the place where I sat, and exclaimed, 
affiille ibi firing, " see him sitting there." In a moment all 
eyes were turned upon me ; I appeared like a being drop- 
ped from the clouds ; every one was surprised that they 
had not observed me before ; and a few women and children 
expressed great uneasiness at being so near a man of such 
an uncommon appearance. By degrees, however, their ap- 
prehensions subsided; and when the blacksmith assured 
them that I was perfectly inoffensive, and would hurt no- 
body, some of them ventured so far as to examine the tex- 
ture of my clothes ; but many of them were stili very sus- 
picious, and when by accident I happened to move myself or 
look at the young children, their mothers would scamper 
off with them with the greatest precipitation. In a few 
hours, however, they all became reconciled to me. 

With these worthy people I spent the remainder of that, 
and the w-hole of the ensuing day, in feasting and merri- 
ment; and the blacksmith declared he would not quit me 
during my stay at Kooniakary, for which place we set out 
early on the morning of the 14th of January, and arrived 
about the middle of the day at Soolo, a small village three 
miles to the south of it. 

As this place was somewhat out of the direct road, it is 
necessary to observe, that I went thither to visit a Slatee, 
or Gambia trader, of great note and reputation, named Sa- 
lim Daucari. He was well known to Dr. Laidley, who had 
trusted him with effects to the value of five slaves, and had 
given me an order for the whole of the debt. We luckily 
found him at home, and he received me with great kindness 
and attention. 

It is remarkable, however, that the king of Kasson was, 
by some means, immediately apprized of my motions ; for 
I had been at Soolo but a few hours, before Sambo Sego, 
his second son, came with a party of- horse, to enquire what 
had prevented me from proceeding to Kooniakary, and 
waiting immediately upon the king, who, he said, was im- 
patient to see me. Sa-lim Daucari made my apology, ancj. 
promised to accompany me to Kooniakary the same even- 
ing; we accordingly departed from Soolo at sunset, and in 
about an hour entered Kooniakary. But as the king bar" 
gone to sleep, we deferred the interview till next morning 
and slept at the hut of Sambo Sego. 



74 



TRAVELS IN THE 



My interview with the king, and the incidents which oc- 
curred to me in the kingdoms of Kasson and Kaarta, will be 
the subject of the ensuing chapter. 



CHAPTER VII. 

The Author is admitted to an audience of the king of Kas~ 
son, whom he finds well disposed towards him. Incidents 
during the author's stay at Kooniakary . Departs from 
thence to Kemmoo, the ca/iital of Kaarta. Is received 
with great kindness by the king of Kaarta, who dissuades 
him from prosecuting his journey on account of approach- 
ing Jiostilities with the king of Bambarra. The author 
determines to proceed' ; and takes the path to Ludamar, a 
Moorish kingdom: Is accommodated by the King with a 
guide to Jarra, the frontier town of the Moorish territo- 
ries, and proceeds for that place accompanied by three of 
the King's sons and two hundred horsemen. 

About eight o'clock in the morning of January 15, 1796, 
we went to an audience of the king, Demba Sego Jalla, but 
the croud of people to see me was so great, that I could 
scarcely get admittance. A passage being at length obtain- 
ed, I made my bow to the monarch, whom we found sitting 
upon a mat, in a large hut ; he appeared to be a man of about 
sixty years of age ; his success in war, and the mildness of 
his behaviour in time of peace, had much endeared him to 
ail his subjects : He surveyed me with great attention ; and 
when Salim Daucari explained to him the object of my 
journey, and my reasons for passing through his country, 
the good old king appeared not only perfectly satisfied, but 
promised me every assistance in his power. He informed 
me that he had seen Major Houghton, and presented him 
with a white horse ; but that after crossing the kingdom of 
Kaarta, he had lost his life among the Moors ; in what man- 
ner he could not inform me. When this audience was 
ended we returned to our lodging, and I made up a small 
present for the king, out of the few effects that were left 
me; for I had not yet received any thing from Salim Dau- 



INTERIOR OF AFRICA. 



earL This present, though inconsiderable in itself, was 
well received by the king, who sent me in return a large 
white bullock. The sight of this animal quite delighted 
my attendants; not so much on account of its bulk, as from 
its being of a white colour ; which is considered as a par- 
ticular mark of favour. But although the king himself was 
well disposed towards me, and readily granted me permis- 
sion to pass through his territories, I soon discovered that 
very great and unexpected obstacles were likely to impede 
my progress. Besides the w T ar which was on the point of 
breaking out between Kasson and Kajaaga, I was told, that 
the next kingdom of Kaarta, through which my route lay, 
was involved in the issue ; and was furthermore threatened 
with hostilities on the part ofBambara. The king himself 
informed me of these circumstances ; and advised me to stay- 
in the neighbourhood of Kooniakary, till such time as he 
could procure proper information respecting Bambarra* 
which he expected to do in the course of four or five days, 
as he had already, he said, sent four messengers into Kaar- 
ta for that purpose. I readily submitted to this proposal) 
and went to Sooio, to stay there till the return of one of those 
messengers. This afforded me a favourable opportunity or 
receiving what money Salim Daucari could spare me on 
Dr. Laidley's account. I succeeded in receiving the value 
of three slaves, chiefly in gold dust; and being anxious to 
proceed as quickly as possible. I begged Daucari to use 
his interest with the king, to allow me a guide by the way 
of Fooladoo, as I was informed, that the war had already 
commenced between the kings of Bambarra and Kaarta. 
Daucari accordingly set out for Kooniakary on the morn- 
ing of the 20th, and the same evening returned with the 
king's answer, which was to this purpose; that the king 
had many years ago, made an agreement with Daisey, king 
of Kaarta, to send all merchants and travellers through his 
dominions; but that if I wished to take the route through 
Fooladoo, I had his permission so to do; though he could 
not, consistently with his agreement, lend me a euide. Hav- 
ing felt ( he want of regal protection in a former part of my 
journey, I was unwilling to hazard a repetition of the hard- 
ships I had then experienced, especially, as the money I 
had received was probably the last supply I should obtain ; 
I therefore determined to wait for the return of the mes- 
sengers from Kaarta. 



TRAVELS IN THE 



In the interim, it began to be whispered abroad, that I 
.had received plenty of gold from Salim Daucari; and on 
the morning of the 23d, Sambo Sego paid me a visit with a 
party of horsemen. He insisted upon knowing the exact 
amount of the money I had obtained ; declaring, that what- 
ever the sum was, one half of it must go to the king ; besides 
which, he intimated that he expected a handsome present 
for himself, as being the king's son ; and for his attendants, 
as being the king's relations. The reader will easily per- 
ceive, that if all these demands had been satisfied, I should 
not have been overburthenecl with money; but though it 
was very mortifying to me to comply with the demands of 
injustice, and so arbitrary an exaction, yet, thinking it was 
highly dangerous to make a foolish resistance, and irritate 
the lion when within reach of his paw, I prepared to sub- 
mit; and if Salim Daucari had not interposed, all my en- 
deavours to mitigate this oppressive claim would have 
been of no avail. Salim at last prevailed upon Sambo to ac- 
cept sixteen bars of European merchandize, and some pow- 
der and bail, as a complete payment of every demand that 
could be made upon me in the kingdom of Kasson. 

January 26th, in the forenoon,! went to the top of a high 
hill to the Southward of Socio, where I had a most enchant- 
ing prospect of the country. The number of tow r ns and 
villages, and the extensive cultivation around them, surpas- 
sed every thing I had yet seen in Africa. A gross calcula* 
lion may be formed of the number of inhabitants in this de- 
lightful plain, by considering, that the king of Kasson can 
raise four thousand fighting men by the sound of his war 
drum. In traversing the rocky eminences of this hill, 
which are almost destitute of vegetation, I observed a num- 
ber of large holes in the crevices and fissures of the rocks, 
where the wolves and hyaenas take refuge during the day. 
Some of these animals paid us a visit on the evening of the 
27th ; their approach was discovered by the dogs of the 
village, and on this occasion it is remarkable, that the dogs 
did not bark, but howl in the most dismal manner. The in- 
habitants of the village no sooner heard them, than, know- 
ing the cause, they armed themselves ; and providing 
bunches of dry grass, went in a body to the in closure in the 
middle of the village, where the cattle were kept. Here 
they lighted the bunches of grass, and, waving them to and 
fro, ran hooping and hallooing towards the hills. This 



INTERIOR OF AFRICA. 



ffiahtfcutfre bad the desired effect of-frigfcteti.ing the wolves 
away from the village ; but on examination we found that 
they had killed five of the cattle, and torn and wounded 
many others. 

February 1st. The messengers arrived from Kaarta. 
and brought intelligence that the war had not yet commen- 
ced between Bambarra and Kaarta, and that I might proba- 
bly pass through Kaarta before the Bambarra army invaded 
; hat country. 

February 3d. Early in the morning, two guides on horse- 
back came from Kooniakary to conduct me to the frontiers 
of Kaarta. 1 accordingly took leave of Salim Baucari, and 
parted for the last time from my fellow-traveller the black- 
smith, whose kind solicitude for my welfare had been so 
conspicuous; and about ten o'clock departed from Soolo, 
We travelled this day through a rocky and hilly country? 
along the banks of the river Krieko, and at sunset came to 
the village of Soomoo, where we slept. 

February 4th. We departed from Soomoo, and continu- 
ed our route along the banks of the Krieko, which are eve- 
ry where well cultivated, and swarm with inhabitants. At- 
this time they were increased by the number of people thai 
had flown thither from Kaarta, on account of the Bambarra 
Avar. In the afternoon we reached Kirno, a large village, 
the residence of Madi Konko, governor of the hilly coun- 
try of Kasson, which is called Sorroma From her.ee the 
guides appointed by the king of Kasson returned, to join in 
the expedition against Kajaaga ; and I waited until the 6th, 
before I could prevail on Madi Konko to appoint me a guide 
to Kaarta. 

February 7th. Departing from Kirao, with Madi Kon- 
ko's son as a guide, we continued our course along the 
banks of the Krieko until the afternoon, when we arrived at 
Kangee, a considerable town. The Krieko is here but a 
small rivulet ; this beautiful stream takes its rise a little 
to the eastward of this town, and descends with a rapid and 
noisy current, until it reaches the bottom of the high hill 
called Tappa, where it becomes more placid, and winds 
gently through the lovely plains of ; Kooniakary ; after 
which, having received an additional branch from the north, 
it is lost in the Senegal, some where near the Falls of Fe- 
16 w. 

February 8th. This dav w r e travelled over a roue-h stony 
G4- 



TRAVELS IN THE 



country, and having passed Seimpo and a number of other 
villages, arrived in the afternoon at Lackarago, a small vil- 
lage, which stands upon the ridge of hills that separates the 
kingdoms of Kasson and Kaarta. In the course of the dav 
we passed many hundreds of people flying from Kaarta, 
with their families and effects. 

February 9th. Early in the morning, we departed from 
Lackarago, and a little to the eastward came to the brow of 
a hill, from whence we had an extensive view of the coun- 
try. Towards the south-east were perceived seme very 
distant hills, which our guide told us were the mountains 
of Fooladoo. We travelled with great difficulty down a 
stony and abrupt precipice, and continued our way in the 
bed of a dry river course, where the trees, meeting over 
head, made the place dark and cool. In a little time we 
reached the bottom of this romantic glen, and about ten 
o'clock emerged from between two rocky hills, and found 
ourselves on the level and sandy plains of Kaarta. At 
noon we arrived at a Corree, or watering-place, where, for 
a fe w strings of beads, I purchased as much milk and corn- 
meal as w 7 e could eat ; indeed provisions are here so cheap, 
and the shepherds live in such affiuence, that they seldom 
ask any return for what refreshments a traveller receives 
from them. From this Korree, we reached Feesurah at 
sunset, w r here we took up our lodging for the night. 

February 10th. We continued at Feesurah all this day* 
to have a few clothes washed, and learn more exactly the 
"situation of affairs, before we ventured towards the capital. 

February 11th. Our landlord, taking advantage of the 
unsettled state of the country, demanded so extravagant a 
sum for our lodging, that suspecting he wished for an op- 
portunity to quarrel with us, I refused to submit to his ex- 
orbitant demand; but my attendants were so much fright- 
ened at the reports of approaching war, that they refused 
to proceed any farther unless I could settle matters with 
him, and induce him to accompany us to Kemmoo, for our 
protection on the road. This I accomplished with some 
difficulty, and by a present of a blanket, which I had brought 
with me to sleep in, and for which our landlord had con- 
ceived a very great liking, matters were at length amica- 
bly adjusted, and he mounted his horse and led the w T ay< 
He was one of those Negroes, who, together with the cere- 
monial part of the Mahometan religion, retain all their an- 



INTERIOR OF AFRICA. 



79 



cient superstitions, and even drink strong liquors. They 
are called Johars, or lowers, and in this kingdom form a 
very numerous and powerful tribe. We had no sooner got 
into a dark and lonely part of the first wood, than he made 
a sign for us to stop, and taking hold of a hollow piece of 
bamboo, that hung as an amulet round his neck, whistled 
very loud, three times. I confess I was somewhat startled, 
thinking it was a signal for some of his companions to con\e 
and attack us; but he assured me, that it was done merely 
with a view to ascertain what success we were likely to 
meet with on our present journey. He then dismounted, 
laid his spear across the road, and having said a number of 
short prayers, concluded with three loud whistles; after 
which he listened for some time, as if in expectation of an 
answer, and receiving none, told us we might proceed with- 
out fear, for there was no danger. About noon we passed a 
number of large villages quite deserted, the inhabitants 
having fled into Kasson to avoid the horrors of war. We 
reached Karankalla at sunset ; this formerly was a large 
town, but having been plundered by the Bambarrans, about 
four years ago, nearly one half of it is still in ruins. 

February 12th. At day-light, we departed frqm Karan- 
kalla, and as it is but a short day's journey to Kemmoo, we 
travelled slower than usual, and amused ourselves by col- 
lecting such eatable fruits as grew near the road side. In 
this pursuit I had wandered a little from my people, and be- 
ing uncertain whether they were before or behind me, I 
hastened to a rising ground to look about me. As I was 
proceeding towards this eminence, two Negro horsemen, 
armed with muskets, came galloping from among the 
bushes; on seeing them I made a full stop; the horsemen 
did the same, and all three of us seemed equally surprised 
and confounded at this interview. As I approached them 
their fears increased, and one of them, after casting upon 
me a look of horror, rode off at full speed; the other, in a 
panic of fear, put his hand over his eyes, and continued 
muttering prayers until his horse, seemingly without the 
rider's knowledge, conveyed him slowly after his compan- 
ion. About a mile to the westward, they fell in with my at- 
tendants, to whom they related a frightful story: It seems 
their fears had dressed me in the flowing robes of a tre- 
mendous spirit, and one of them affirmed, that when I made 
my appearance^ a cold blast of wind came pouring down 



so 



TRAVELS IN THE 



upon him iVem the sky like so much cold water. About 
noon we saw at a distance the capital of Kaarta, situated in 
t he middle of an open plain, the country for two miles round 
being cleared cf wood, by the great consumption of that ar- 
ticle for builciing and fuel, and we entered the town about 
two o'clock in the afternoon. 

\\ e proceeded without stopping, to the court before the 
king's residence; but I was so completely surrounded by 
the gazing multitude, that 1 did not attempt to dismount, 
but seat in the landlord and Madi Konko's son, to acquaint 
the king of my arrival. In a little time they returned, ac- 
companied by a messenger from the king, signifying that 
he would see me in the evening, and in the mean time, the 
messenger had orders to procure me a lodging, and see that 
the crowd did not molest me. He conducted me into a 
court, at the door of which he stationed a man, with a stick 
in his hand, to keep off the mob, and then shewed me a 
large hut, in which I was to lodge. I had scarcely seated 
myself in this spacious apartment, when the mob entered; 
it was found impossible to keep them out, and I was sur- 
rounded by as many as the hut could contain. When the 
first party, however, had seen me, and asked a few ques- 
tions, they retired, to make room for another company; and 
in this manner the hut was filled and emptied thirteen dif- 
ferent times. 

A little before sunset, the king sent to inform me that he 
was at leisure, and wished to see me. I followed the mes- 
senger through a number of courts surrounded with high 
walls, where I observed plenty of dry grass bundled up like 
hay, to fodder the horses, in case the town should be invest- 
ed. On entering the court in which the king was bitting, 
I was astonished at the number of his attendants, and at the 
good order that seemed to prevail among them : They were 
all seated; the lighting men on the king's right hand, and 
the women and children on the left, leaving a space be- 
tween them for my passage. The king, whose name was 
Daisy Koorabarri, was not to be distinguished from his sub- 
jects by any superiority in point of dress ; a bank of earth, 
about two feet high, upon which was spread a leopard's 
skin, constituted the only mark of royal dignity. When I 
had seated myself upon the ground before him, and related 
the various circumstances that had induced me to pass 
through his country, and my reasons for soliciting his pro- 



INTERIOR OF AFRICA. 



81 



lection, he appeared perfectly satisfied; but said it was not 
in his power at present to afford me much assistance ; for 
that all sort of communication between Kaarta and Bambaii- 
ra had been interrupted for some time past; and as Man- 
song, the king of Bambarra, with his army, had entered 
Fooladoo in his way to Kaarta, there was but little hope of 
my reaching Bambarra by any of the usual routes, in as 
much as coming from an enemy's country, I should cer- 
tainly be plundered, or taken for a spy. If his country had 
been at peace he said, I might have remained with him un- 
til a more favourable opportunity offered ; but, as matters 
stood at present, he did not wish me to continue in Kaarta, 
for fear some accident should befal me, in which case my 
countrymen might say, that he had murdered a white mam 
He would therefore advise me to return into Kasson, and 
remain there until the war should terminate, which would 
probably happen in the course of three or four months ; af- 
ter which, if he was alive, he said, he would be glad to see 
me* and if he was dead, his sons would take care of me. 

This advice was certainly well meant on the part of the 
"king, and perhaps I was to blame in not following it ; but I 
reflected that the hot months were approaching, and I dread- 
ed the thoughts of spending the rainy season in the interior 
of Africa. These considerations, and the aversion I felt at 
the idea of returning without having made a greater pro- 
gress in discovery, made me determine to go forwards; and 
though the king could not give me a guide to Bambarra, I 
begged, that he would allow a man to accompany me as near 
the frontiers of his kingdom as was consistent with safety. 
Finding that I was determined to proceed, the king told 
me that one route still remained, but that, he said, was by 
no means free from danger ; which was to go from Kaarta 
into the Moorish kingdom of Ludamar, from whence I 
might pass, by a circuitous route, into Bambarra. If I 
wished to follow this route, he would appoint people to 
conduct me to Jarra, the frontier town of Ludamar. He 
then enquired very particular how I had been treated since 
I had left the Gambia, and asked in a jocular way, how ma- 
ny slaves I expected to carry home with me on my return. 
He was about to proceed, when a man mounted on a fine 
Moorish horse, which was covered with sweat and foam, 
entered the court, and signifying that he had something of 
importance to communicate, the king immediately took up 



J2 



TRAVELS IN THE 



his sandals, which is the signal to strangers to retire. I 
accordingly took leave, but desired my boy to stay about 
the place, in order to. learn something of the intelligence 
that this messenger had brought. In about an hour the boy 
returned, and informed me, that the Bambarra army had 
left Fooladoo, and was on its march towards Kaarta ; that 
the man I had seen, who had brought this intelligence, was 
one of the scouts or watchmen employed by the king, e^ch 
of whom has his particular station, commonly on some rising 
ground, from whence he has the best view of the country, 
and watches the motions of the enemy. 

In the evening the king sent me a fine sheep, which was 
very acceptable, as none of us had tasted victuals during 
the day. Whilst we were employed in dressing supper, 
evening prayers were announced ; not by the call of the 
priest, as usual, but by beating on drums, and blowing 
through large elephants' teeth, hollowed out in such a man- 
ner as to resemble bugle horns; the sound is melodious, 
and in my opinion, comes nearer to the human voice than 
any other artificial sound. As the main body of Daisy's army 
was, at this juncture, at Kemmoo, the mosques were very 
much crowded, and I observed, that the disciples of Maho* 
met composed nearly one half of the army of Kaarta. 

February 13th. At daylight I sent my horse-pistols and 
holsters as a present to the king, and being very desirous to 
get away from a place which was likely soon to become the 
seat of war, I begged the messenger to inform the king, 
that I wished to depart from Kemmoo as scon as he should 
find it convenient to appoint me a guide.- In about an 
hour the king sent his messenger to thank me for the pre- 
sent, and eight horsemen to conduct me to Jarra. They 
told me that the king wished me to proceed to Jarra with 
all possible expedition, that they might return before any 
thing decisive should happen between the armies of Bam- 
barra and Kaarta; we accordingly departed forthwith from 
Kemmoo, accompanied by three of Daisy's sons, and about 
two hundred horsemen, who kindly undertook to see me a 
little way en my journey. 



INTERIOR OF AFRICA, 



83 



CHAPTER VIII. 

Journey from Kemmoo to Funigkedy. Some account of the 
Lotus. A youth murdered by the Moors ; interesting 
scene at his death. Author fiasses through Si?nbing. 
So?ne particulars resfiecting Major Houghton. Reaches 
Jarra. Situation of the surrounding states^ and an ac- 
count of the war between Kaarta and Bambarra y ifc. 

On the evening of the day of our departure from Kem- 
moo, the king's eldest son and great part of the horsemen 
having returned, we reached a village called Marina, where 
we slept. During the night, some thieves broke into the 
hut where I had deposited my baggage, and having cut 
open one of my bundles, stole a quantity cf beads, part of 
my clothes, and some amber and gold, which happened to 
be in one of the pockets. I complained to my protectors? 
but without effect. The next day, Feb. 14, was far advan- 
ced before we departed from Marina, and we travelled 
slowly, on account of the excessive heat, until four o'clock 
in the afternoon, when two Negroes were observed sitting 
among some thorny bushes at a little distance from the 
road. The king's people, taking it for granted that th-ey 
were runaway slaves, cocked their muskets, and rode at 
lull.. speed in different directions through the bushes, in 
order to surround them, and prevent their escaping. The 
Negroes, however, waited with great composure until we 
came within bowshot of them, when each of them took from 
his quiver a handful of arrows, and putting two between his 
teeth and one in his bow, waved to us with his hand to keep 
at a distance ; upon which, one of the king's people called 
out to the strangers to give some account of themselves. 
They said that " they were natives of Toorda, a neighbour- 
ing village, and had come to that place to gather tombe- 
rongs." These are small farinaceous berries of a yellow 
colour and delicious taste, which I knew to be the fruit of 
the rhamnus lotus of' Linnseus. The Negroes shewed us 
two large baskets full, which they had collected in the 
course of the day. These berries are much esteemed by the 
natives, who convert them into a sort of bread, by exposing 
them for some days to the sun, and afterwards pounding 



84 



TRAVELS INT THE 



them gently in a wooden mortar, until the farinaceous part 
of the berry is separated from the stone. This meai is 
then mixed with a little water and formed into cakes ; which, 
when diied in the sun, resemble in colour and flavour the 
sweetest gingerbread. The stones are afterwards put into 
a vessel of water, and shaken about so as to separate the 
meal which may still adhere to them: This communicates 
a sweet and agreeable taste to the water, and with the addi- 
tion of a little pounded millet, forms a pleasant gruel called 
fondi, which is the common breakfast in many parts of Lu- 
damar, during the months of February and March. The 
fruit is collected by spreading a cloth upon the ground, and 
beating the branches with a stick. 

The lotus is very common in all the kingdoms which I 
visited ; but is found in the greatest plenty on the sandy 
soil of Kaarta, Ludamar, and the northern parts of Bambar- 
ra, where it is one of the most common shrubs of the coun- 
try. I had observed the same species at Gambia, and had 
an opportunity to make a drawing of a branch in flower. 
The leaves of the desert shrub are, however, much smal- 
ler, and more resembling, in that particular, those repre- 
sented in the engraving given by Desfontaines, in the 
Memoires de l'Academie Royale des Sciences, 1 788, p. 443. 

As this shrub is found in Tunis, and also in the Negro 
kingdoms, and as it furnishes the natives of the latter with 
a food resembling bread, and also with a sweet liquor, which 
is much relished by them, there can be little doubt of its 
being the lotus mentioned by Pliny, as the food of the Ly- 
bian Lotophagi. An army may very well have been fed 
with the bread I have tasted, made of the meal ot the fruit, 
as is said by Pliny to have been done in Lybia ; and as the 
taste of the bread is sweet and agreeable, it is not likely that 
the soldiers would complain of it. 

We arrived in the evening at the village of Toorda ; 
when all the rest of the king's people turned back except 
two, who remained with me as guides to Jarra. 

February 15th. I departed from Toorda, and about two 
o'clock came to a considerable town called Funingkedy. 
As we approached the town the inhabitants were much 
alarmed ; for, as one of my guides wore a turban, they mis- 
took us for some Moorish banditti. This misapprehension 
•vas soon cleared up, and we were well received by a Gam- 



INTERIOR OF AFRICA. 



86 



bia Slatee, who resides at this town, and at whose house we 
lodged. 

February 16th. We were informed that a number of 
people would go from this town to Jarra on the day follow- 
ing ; and as the road was much infested by the Moors, 
we resolved to stay and accompany the travellers. In the 
meantime we were told, that a few days before our arrival, 
most of the Bushreens and people of property in Funingkedy 
had gone to Jarra, to consult abput removing their families 
and effects to that town, for fear of. the approaching war ; 
and that the Moors, in their absence, had stolen some of 
their cattle. 

About two o'clock, as I was lying asleep upon a bul- 
lock's hide behind the door of the hut, I was awakened by 
the screams of women, .and a general clamour and confu- 
sion among the inhabitants. At first I suspected that the 
Bambarrans had actually entered the town ; but observing 
my boy upon the top of one of the huts, I called to him to 
know what was the matter. He informed me, that the 
Moors were come a second time to steal the cattle, and 
that they were now close to the town. I mounted the roof 
of the hut, and observed a' large herd of bullocks coming 
towards the town, followed by five Moors on horse- 
back, who drove the cattle forward with their muskets. 
When they had reached the wells, which are close to the 
town, the Moors selected from the herd sixteen of the 
finest beasts, and drove them off at full gallop. During 
this transaction, the town-people, to the number oi five 
hundred, stood collected close to the walls of the town ; 
and when the Moors drove the cattle away, though they 
passed within pistoi-shot of them, the inhabitants scarcely 
made a shew of resistance. I only saw four muskets fired, 
which, being loaded with gunpowder of the Negroes own 
manufacture, did no execution Shortly after this* i ob- 
served a number of people supporting a young man upon 
horseback, and conducting him slowly towards the town. 
This was one of the herdsmen, wnc, attempting to throw 
his spear, had been wounded by a shot from one of the 
Moors. His mother walked on before, quite frantic with 
grief, clapping her hands, and enumerating the good quali- 
ties of her son. Ee maffo fonio> (he never told a lie) 
the disconsolate mother, as her wounded soi 
ried in at the gate — Ee maffo fonio, ad&da, (hi 

H 



86 



TRAVELS IN THE 



lie ; no, never). When they had conveyed him to his hut, 
and laid him upon a mat, all the spectators joined in la- 
menting ins fate, by screaming and howling in the most 
piteous manner. 

After their grief had subsided a little, I was desired to 
examine the wound. I found that the ball had passed quite 
through his leg, having fractured both bones a little below 
the knee : The poor boy was faint from the loss of blood, 
and his situation withal so very precarious, that I could not 
console his relations with any great hopes of his recovery. 
However, to give him a possible chance, I observed to 
them, that it was necessary to cut off his leg above the 
knee ; this proposal made every one start with horror ; they 
had never heard of such a method of cure, and would by 
no means give their consent to it ; indeed, they evidently 
considered me as a sort of cannibal for proposing so cruel 
and unheard of an operation, which in their opinion, would 
be attended with more pain and danger than the wound it- 
self. The patient was therefore committed to the care of 
some old Bushreens, who endeavoured to secure him a 
passage into Paradise, by whispering in his ear some Arabic 
sentences, and desiring him to repeat them. After many 
unsuccessful attempts, the poor heathen at last pronounced. 
la Utah el allah^ Mahamet rasovjl alia hi ;* and the disciples 
cf the Prophet assured his mother, that her son had given 
sufficient evidence of his faith, and would be happy in a 
future state. He died the same evening. 

February 17th. My guides informed me, that in order 
to avoid the Moorish banditti, it was necessary to travel 
in the night ; we accordingly departed from Funingkedy in 
the afternoon, accompanied by about thirty people, carrying 
their effects with them into Ludamar, for fear of the war. 
We travelled with great silence and expedition until mid- 
night, when we stopped in a sort of inclosure,near a small 
village ; but the thermometer being so low at 68°, none of 
the Negroes could sleep on account of the cold. 

At daybreak on the 18th we resumed our journey, and 
at eight o'clock passed Simbing, the frontier village of Lud- 
amar, situated in a narrow pass between two rocky hills, and 
surrounded with a high wall. From this village Major 
Houghton (being deserted by his Negro servants who re- 



* There is but one God, and Mahomet is his Prophet. 



INTERIOR OF AFRICA. 



87 



fused to follow him into the Moorish country) wrote his 
last letter, with a pencil, to Dr. Laidley. This brave but 
unfortunate man, having surmounted many difficulties, had 
taken a northerly direction, and endeavoured to pass through 
the kingdom of Ludamar, where I afterwards learned the fol- 
lowing particulars concerning his melancholy fate. On his 
arrival at Jarra, he got acquainted with certain Moorish 
■merchants who were travelling to Tisheet (a place near the 
salt pits in the Great Desert, ten days journey to the north- 
ward) to purchase salt ; and the Major, at the expence of 
a musket and some tobacco, engaged them to convey him 
thither* It is impossible to form any other opinion on this 
determination, than that the Moors intentionally deceived 
him, either with regard to the route that he wished to pur- 
sue, or the state of the intermediate country between Jarra 
and Tombuctoo Their intention probably was to rob and 
leave him in the Desert. At the end of two days he suspect- 
ed their treachery, and insisted on returning to Jarra. Find- 
ing him persist in this determination, the Moors robbed him 
of every thing he possessed, and went off with their cam- 
els ; the poor Major being thus deserted, returned on foot 
to a watering place in the possession of the Moors, called 
Tarra. He had been some days without food, and the un- 
feeling Moors refusing to give him any, he sunk at last un- 
der his distresses. Whether he actually perished of hun- 
ger, or was murdered outright by the savage Mahome- 
tans, is not certainly known ; his body was dragged into 
the woods, and I was shewn at a distance, the spot where 
his remains were left to perish. 

About four miles to the north of Simbing, we came to a 
small stream of water, where we observed a number of 
wild horses ; they were all of one colour, and gallopped 
away from us at an easy rate, frequently stopping and 
looking back. The Negroes hunt them for food r and their 
flesh is much esteemed. 

About noon we arrived at Jarra, a large town situated at 
the bottom of some rocky hills. But before I proceed to 
describe the place itself, and relate the various occurrences 
which befel me there, it will not be improper, to give my 
readers a brief recital of the origin of the war which induced 
me to take this route ; an unfortunate determination, the 
immediate cause of all the misfortunes and calamities which 



ss 



TRAVELS IN THE 



afterward befcl me. The recital which I propose to give 
in this place, will prevent interruptions hereafter. 

This war, which desolated Kaarta soon after I had left 
that kingdom, and spread terror into many of the nighbour- 
ivg states arose in the following manner. A few bullocks 
belonging to a frontier village of Bambarra having been 
stolen by a party of Moors, were sold to the Dooty, or 
chief man, of a town in Kaarta, The villagers claimed their 
Gattle, and being refused satisfaction, complained of the 
Dooty to their sovereign, Mansong, king of Bambarra, who 
probably beheld with an eye of jealousy the glowing pros- 
perity of Kaarta, and availed himself of this incident, to 
declare hostilities against that kingdom. 

With this view he sent a messenger and a party of horse- 
men to Daisy, king of Kaarta, to inform him, that the king 
of Bambarra, with nine thousand men, would visit Kemmoo 
in the course of the dry season ; and to desire that he, Daisy, 
would direct his slaves to sweep the houses, and have every 
thing ready for their accommodation. The messenger 
concluded this insulting notification, by presenting the king 
with a pair of iron sandals ; at the same time adding, that 
" until such time as Daisy had worn out these sandals in 
his flight, he should never be secure from the arrows of 
Bambarra." 

Daisy, having consulted with his chief men about the 
best means of repelling so formidable an enemy, returned 
an answer of defiance, and made a Bushreen write in Ara- 
bic, upon a piece of thin board, a sort of proclamation, 
which was suspended to a tree in the public square ; and 
a number of aged men were sent to different places to ex- 
plain it to the common people. This proclamation called 
upon all the friends of Daisy to join him immediately ; but 
to such as had no arms, or where afraid to enter into the 
war, permission was given to retire into any of the neigh- 
bouring kingdoms ; and it was added, that provided they ob- 
served a strict neutrality, they should always be welcome 
to return to their former habitations ; if, however, they took 
any active part against Kaarta, they had then " broken the 
key of their huts, and could never afterwards enter the 
Uoor." Such was the expression. 

This proclamation was very generally applauded ; but 
many of the Kaartans, and amongst others the powerful 
I ribes of .Tower and Kakaroo availing themselves of the indul- 



INTERIOR OF AFRICA. 



89 



gent clause, retired from Daisy's dominions, and took re- 
fuge in Ludamar and Kasson. By means of these deser- 
tions, Daisy's army was not so numerous as might have 
been expected ; and when I was at Kemmoo, the whole 
number of effective men, according to report, did not ex- 
ceed four thousand ; but they were men of spirit and enter- 
prize, and could be depended cn. 

On the 2 2d of February, four days after my arrival at 
Jarra, Mansong, with his army, advanced towards Kem- 
moo ; and Daisy, without hazarding a battle, retired to Joko 
a town to the north-west of Kemmoo, where he remained 
three days, and then took refuge in a strong town called 
Gedingooma, situated in the hilly country, and surrounded 
with high walls of stone. When Daisy departed from 
Joko his sons refused to follow him, alledging, that " the 
singing men would publish their disgrace, as soon as it 
should be known, that Daisy and his family had fled from 
Joko without firing a gun." They were therefore left be- 
hind with a number of horsemen to defend Joko ; but, after 
many skirmishes, they were totally defeated, and one of 
Daisy's sons taken prisoner ; the remainder fled to Gedin- 
gooma, which Daisy had stored with provisions, and where 
he determined to make his final stand. 

Mansong, finding that Daisy was determined to avoid a 
pitched battle, placed a strong force at Joko to watch his 
motions, and separating the remainder of his army into 
small detachments, ordered them to over-run the country, 
and seize upon the inhabitants, before they had time to- 
escape. These orders were executed with such prompti- 
tude, that in a few days, the whole kingdom of Kaarta be- 
came a scene of desolation. Most of the poor inhabitants 
of the different towns and villages, being surprised in the 
night, fell an easy prey; and their corn, and everything 
which could be useful to Daisy, was burnt and destroyed. 
During these transactions, Daisy was employed in fortifying 
Gedingooma: This town is built in a narrow pass between 
two high hills, having only two gates, one towards Kaarta 
and the other towards Jaffnoo ; the gate towards Kaarta was 
defended by Daisy in person ; and that towards Jaffnoo was 
committed to the charge of his sons. When the army of 
Bambarra approached the town, they made some attempts 
to storm it, but were always driven back with great loss; 
and. Mansong, finding Daisy more formidable than he e:: - 

U 2. 



TRAVELS IN THE 



pected, resolved to cut off his supplies, and starve him into 
submission. He accordingly sent all the prisoners he had 
taken, into Bambarra ; and having collected a considerable 
quantity of provisions, remained with his army two whole 
months in the vicinity of Gedingooma, without doing any 
thing decisive. During this time he was much harrassed 
by sallies from the besieged; and his stock of provi- 
sions being nearly exhausted, he sent to Ali, the Moorish 
king of Ludamar, for two hundred horsemen, to enable him 
to make an attack upon the north gate of the town, and 
give the Bambarrans an opportunity of storming the place. 
Ali, though he had made an agreement with Mansong at 
the commencement of the war, to afford him assistance, 
now refused to fulfil his engagement ; which so enraged 
Mansong, that he marched part of his army to Funingkedy, 
"with a view to surprise the camp of Benowm, but the 
Moors having received intelligence of his design, fled to 
the northward ; and Mansong, without attempting any 
thing farther, returned to Sego. This happened while I 
was myself in captivity in Ali's camp, as will hereafter be 
seen. 

As the king of Kaartahad now got quit of his most for- 
midable antagonist, it might have been hoped, thac peace 
would have been restored to his dominions ; but an extra- 
ordinary incident involved him, immediately afterwards, m 
hostilities with Kasson; the king of which country dying 
about that time, the succession was disputed by his two- 
sons. The younger, Sambo Sego, my old acquaintance, 
prevailed ; and drove his brother from the country. He 
iied to Gedingooma ; and being pursued thither, Daisy, 
who had lived in constant friendship with both the brothers, 
refused to deliver him up; at the same time declaring, that 
he would not support his claim, nor any way interfere in 
the quarrel. Sambo Sego, elated with success, and proud 
of the homage that was paid him as sovereign of Kasson, 
was much displeased with Daisy's conduct, and joined with 

>ome disaffected fugitive Kaartons in a plundering expedi- 
tion against him. Daisy, who little expected such a visit, 
Lad sent a number of people to Joko to plant corn, and col- 
lect together such cattle as they might find straying in the 
v/oods, in order to supply his army. All these people fell 

mo the h^nds of Sambo Sego, who carried them to Koonia- 



INTERIOR OF AFRICA. 



91 



kary, and afterwards sent them in caravans, to be sold to 
the French at Fort Louis, on the river Senegal. 

This attack was soon retaliated ; for Daisy, who was now 
in distress for want of provisions, thought he was justified 
in supplying himself from the plunder of Kasson. He ac- 
cordingly took with him eight hundred of his best men, and 
marching secretly through the woods, surprised, in the 
night, three large villages near Kooniakary, in which many 
of his traitorous subjects, who were in Sambo's expedition, 
had taken up their residence ; all these, and indeed all the 
able men that fell into Daisy's hands, were immediately put 
to death. 

After this expedition, Daisy began to indulge the hopes 
of peace; many of his discontented subjects had returned 
to their allegiance, and were repairing the towns which had 
been desolated by the war; the rainy season was approach- 
ing; and every thing wore a favourable appearance, when 
he was suddenly attacked from a different quarter. 

The Jowers, Kakaroos, and some other Kaartans, who- 
had deserted from him at the commencement of the war, 
and had, shewn a decided preference to Mansong and his 
army during the whole campaign, were now afraid or 
ashamed to ask for forgiveness of Daisy, and being very 
powerful in themselves, joined together to make war upon 
him. They solicited the Moors to assist them in their re- 
bellion, as will appear hereafter, and having collected a con- 
siderable army, they plundered a large village belonging to 
Daisy, and carried off a number of prisoners. 

Daisy immediately prepared to revenge this insult; but 
the Jowers, and indeed almost all the Negro inhabitants of 
Ludamar, deserted their towns and fled to the eastward ; 
and the rainy season put an end to the war of Kaarta, which 
had enriched a few individuals, but destroyed the happiness 
of thousands. 

Such was the state of affairs among the nations in the 
neighbourhood of Jarra, soon after the period of my arrival 
there. I shall now proceed, after giving some description 
t*f that place, with the detail of events as they occurred. 



92. 



TRAVELS IN THE 



CHAPTER VS. 

Account of Jar r a, and the Moorish inhabitants. The Author 
obtains permission from Ali^ the Moorish chief or Sove- 
reign of Ludamar, to pass through his territories. Leaves 
Jarra y and arrives at Deena ; is ill treated by the Moors. 
Proceeds to Sampaka ; finds a J\egro who makes gun- 
powder. Continues his journey to Samee, where he is 
seized by some Moors who are sent for that purpose by 
Aii, and he is conveyed a prisoner to the Moorish camp at 
Benowm, on the borders of the Great Desert. 

The town of Jarra is of considerable extent; the houses 
are built of clay and stone intermixed ; the clay answering* 
the purpose of mortar: It is situated in the Moorish king- 
dom of Ludamar; but the major part of the inhabitants are 
Negroes, from the borders of the southern states, who pre- 
fer a precarious protection under the Moors, which they 
purchase by a tribute, rather than continue exposed to their 
predatory hostilities : The tribute they pay is considerable ; 
and they manifest towards their Moorish superiors the 
most unlimited obedience and submission* and are treated 
by them with the utmost indignity and contempt. The 
Moors of this, and the other states adjoining the country of 
the Negroes, resemble in their persons the Mulattoes of 
the West Indies to so great a degree, as not easily to be 
distinguished from them ; and in truth, the present genera- 
tion seem to be a mixed race between the Moors, properly 
so called, of the North, and the Negroes of the South ; pos- 
sessing many of the worst qualities of both nations. 

Of the origin of these Moorish tribes, as distinguished 
from the inhabitants of Barbary, from whom they are di- 
vided by the Great Desert nothing farther seems to be 
known than what is related by John Leo, the African % 
whose account may be abridged as follows : 

Before the Arabian conquest, about the middle of the 
seventh century, all the inhabitant of Africa, whether they 
were descended from Nutmidians, Phoenicians, Carthagin- 
ians, Romans, Vandals, or Goths, were comprehended un- 
der the general name of Mauri, or Moors. All these na- 
tions were converted to the religion of Mahomet; dining 



INTERIOR OF AFRICA. 



S3 



the Arabian empire under the Caliphs. About this time 
many of the Numidian tribes, who led a wandering life in 
the Desert, and supported themselves upon the produce of 
their cattle, retired southward across the Great Desert, to 
avoid the fury of the Arabians ; and by one of those tribes, 
says Leo, (that of Zanhaga) were discovered and conquered 
by the Negro Nations on the Niger. By the Niger, is here 
undoubtedly meant the river Senegal, which in the Man- 
dingo language is called Bajing, or the Black river. 

To what extent these people are now spread over the 
African continent, it is difficult to ascertain. There is 
reason to believe, that their dominion, stretches from West 
to East, in a narrow line or belt, from the mouth of the 
Senegal, on the northern side of that river, to the confines 
of Abyssinia. They are a subtle and treacherous race of 
people ; and take every opportunity of cheating and plun- 
dering the credulous and unsuspecting Negroes. But 
their manners and general habits of life will be best ex- 
plained, as incidents occur in the course of my narrative. 

On my arrival at Jarra, I obtained a lodging at the house 
of Daman Jumma, a Gambia Slatee. This man had form- 
erly borrowed goods from Dr. Laidley, who had given me 
an order for the money, to the amount of six slaves ; and 
though the debt was of five years standing, he readily ac«? 
knowledged it, and promised me what money he could 
raise. He was afraid, he said, in his present situation, he 
could not pay more than two slaves' value. He gave me 
his assistance, however, in exchanging my beads and amber 
for gold, which was a more portable article, and more easi- 
ly concealed from the Moors. 

The difficulties we had already encountered, the unset- 
tled state of the country, and, above all, the savage and 
overbearing deportment of the Moors, had so completely 
frightened my attendants, that they declared they would 
rather relinquish every claim to reward than proceed one 
step farther to the eastward. Indeed, the danger they in- 
curred of being seized by the Moors and sold into slavery, 
became every day more apparent ; and I could not con- 
demn their apprehensions. In this situation, deserted by 
my attendants, and reflecting that my retreat was cut off 
by the war behind me, and that a Moorish country of ten 
days' journey lay before me, I applied to Daman to obtain 
permission from Ali, the chief or sovereign of Ludamar^ 



94 



TRAVELS IN THE 



that I might pass through his country unmolested, into 
Bambarra ; and I hired one of Daman's slaves to accom- 
pany me thither, as soon as such permission should be ob- 
tained. A messenger was dispatched to Ali, who at this 
time was encamped near Benowm ; and as a present was 
necessary, in order to insure success, I sent him five gar- 
ments of cotton cloth, which I purchased of Daman for one 
of my fowling-pieces. Fourteen days elapsed in settling 
this affair; but, on the evening of the 26th of February, 
one of Ali's slaves arrived with directions, as he pretended, 
to conduct me in safety, as far as Goomba ; and told me, I was 
to pay him one garment of blue cotton cloth for his attend* 
ance. My faithful boy, observing that I was about to pro- 
ceed without him, resolved to accompany me ; and toki me, 
that though he wished me to turn back, he never had en- 
tertained any serious thoughts of deserting me, but had 
been advised to it by Johnson, with a view to induce me to 
return immediately for Gambia. 

February 27th. I delivered most of my papers to John- 
son, to convey them to Gambia as soon as possible, reserv- 
ing a duplicate for myself, in case of accidents. I likewise 
left in Daman's possession a bundle of clothes and other 
things that were not absolutely necessary ; for I wished to 
diminish my baggage as much as possible, that the Moors 
might have fewer inducements to plunder us. 

Things being thus adjusted, we departed from Jarra in 
the forenoon, and slept at T room goomba, a small walled 
village, inhabited by a mixture of Negroes and Moors. 
On the day following, Feb. 28th, we reached Queira ; and 
on the 29th, after a toilsome journey over a sandy country, 
we came to Compe, a watering place belonging to the 
Moors ; from whence on the morning following, we pro- 
ceeded to Deena, a large town, and, like Jarra, built of 
stone and clay. The Moors are here in greater proportion 
to the Negroes than at Jarra. They assembled round the 
hut of the Negro where I lodged, and treated me with the 
greatest insolence ; they hissed, shouted, and abused me ; 
they even spit in my face, with a view to irritate me, and 
afford them a pretext for seizing my baggage. But, find- 
ing such insults had not the desired effect, they had re- 
course to the final and decisive argument, that I was a 
Christian, and of course, that my property was lawful plun- 
der to the followers of Mahomet. They accordingly opened 



INTERIOR OF AFRICA. 



95 



•my bundles, and robbed me of every thing they fancied. 
My attendants finding that every body could rob me with 
impunity, insisted on returning to Jarra. 

The day following, March 2d, I endeavoured by all the 
means in my power, to prevail upon my people to go on ; 
but they still continued obstinate ; and having reason to fear 
some further insult from fanatic Moors, I resolved to pro- 
ceed alone. Accordingly the next morning, about two 
o'clock, I departed from Deena. It was moonlight, but 
the roaring of the wild beasts made it necessary to proceed 
with caution. 

When I had reached a piece of rising ground about half 
a mile from the town, I heard somebody halloo, and look- 
ing back, saw my faithful boy running after me. He in- 
formed me, that All's man had gone back to Benowm, and 
that Daman's Negro was about to depart for Jarra ; but he 
said he had no doubt, if I would stop a little, that he could 
persuade the latter to accompany us. I waited according- 
ly, and in about an hour the boy returned with the Negro ; 
and we continued travelling over a sandy country, covered 
with asclc/iias gigantica^ until mid day, when we came to a 
number of deserted huts; and seeing some appearances of 
water at a little distance, I sent the boy to fill a soofroo; 
but as he was examining the place for water, the roaring 
of a lion, that was probably on the same pursuit, induced 
the frightened boy to return in haste, and we submitted pa- 
tiently to the disappointment. In the afternoon we reached 
a town inhabited chiefly by Foulahs, called Samamingkoos. 

Next morning, March 4th, we set out for Sampaka ; 
which place we reached about two o'clock. On the road 
we observed immense quantities of locusts ; the trees were 
quite black with them. These insects devour every vege- 
table that comes in their way, and in a short time complete- 
ly strip a tree of its leaves. The noise of their excrement 
falling upon the leaves and withered grass, very much re- 
sembles a shower of rain. When a tree is shaken or struck, 
it is astonishing to see what a cloud of them will fly off*. 
In their flight they yield to the current of the wind, which 
at this season of the year is always from the N. E. Should 
the wind shift, it is difficult to conceive where they could 
collect food, as the whole of their course was marked with 
desolation. 



96 



TRAVELS IN THE 



Sampaka is a large town, and when the Moors and Bam- 
barrans were at war, was thrice attacked by the former ; 
but they were driven off with great loss, though the king 
of Bambarra was afterwards obliged to give up this, and all 
the other towns as far as Goomba, in order to obtain a peace. 
Here I lodged at the house of a Negro who practised the 
art of making gunpowder. He shewed me a bag of nitre, 
very white, but the crystals were much smaller than com- 
mon. They procure it in considerable quantities from the 
ponds which are filled in the rainy season, and to which the 
cattle resort for coolness during the heat of the day. When 
the water is evaporated, a white efflorescence is observed 
on the mud, which the natives collect and purify in such a 
manner as to answer their purpose. The Moors supply 
them with sulphur from the Mediterranean ; and the pro- 
cess is completed by pounding the different articles together 
in a wooden mortar. The grains are very unequal, and the 
sound of its explosion is by no means so sharp as that pro- 
duced by European gunpowder. 

March 5th. We departed from Sampaka at daylight. 
About noon we stopped at a little village called Dangali, 
and in the evening arrived at Dalli. We saw upon the 
road two large herds of camels feeding. When the Moors 
turn their camels to feed, they tie up one of their fore legs 
to prevent their straying. This happened to be a feast- 
day at Dalli, and the people were dancing before the Dooti's 
house. But when they were informed that a white man 
was come into the town, they left off dancing, and came to 
the place where I lodged, walking in regular order, two 
and two, with music before them. They play upon a sort 
of flute ; but instead of blowing into a hole in the side, 
they blow obliquely over the end, which is half shut by a 
thin piece of wood ; they govern the holes on the side with 
their fingers, and play some simple and very plaintive airs. 
They continued to dance and sing until midnight; duiing 
which time I was surrounded by so great a crowd, as made 
it necessary for me to satisfy their curiosity, by sitting still. 

March 6th. We stopt here this morning* because some 
of the \owns-people, who were going for Goomba on the 
day following, wished to accompany us; but in order to 
avoid febe crowd of people which usually assembled in the 
evening, we went to a Negro village to the east of Dalli, 
called Samee, where we were kindly received by the hos- 



INTERIOR OF AFRICA. 



97 



pitiable Dooti, who on this occasion killed two fine sheep, 
and invited his friends to come and feast with him. 

March 7th. Our landlord was so proud of the honour 
of entertaining a white man, that he insisted on my stayifig 
with him and his friends until the cool of the evening, 
when he said he would conduct me to the next village. 
As I was now within two clays journey of Goomba, I had 
no apprehensions from the Moors, and readily accepted the 
invitation. I spent the forenoon very pleasantly with these 
poor Negroes ; their company was the more acceptable, as 
the gentleness of their manners presented a striking con- 
trast to the rudeness and barbarity of the moors. They 
enlivened their conversation by drinking a fermented liquor 
made from corn ; the same sort of beer that I have des- 
cribed in a former chapter ; and better I never tasted in 
Great-Britain. 

In the midst of this harmless festivity, I flattered myself 
that all danger from the Moors was over. * Fancy had al- 
ready placed me on the banks of the Niger, and presented 
to my imagination a thousand delightful scenes in my fu- 
ture progress, when a party of Moors unexpectedly enter- 
ed the hut, and dispelled the golden dream. They came, 
they said, by Ali's orders, to convey me to his camp at 
Benowm. If I went peaceably, they told me, I had no- 
thing to fear ; but if I refused, they had orders to bring me 
by force. I was struck dumb by surprise and terror, which 
the Moors observing, endeavoured to calm my apprehen- 
sions, by repeating the assurance that I had nothing to fear. 
Their visit, they added, was occasioned by the curiosity of 
Ali's wife, Fatima^ who- had -heard so much about Chris- 
tians, that she was very anxious to see one ; as soon as her 
curiosity should be satisfied, they had no doubt, they said, 
that All would give me a handsome present, and send a 
person to conduct me to Bambarra. Finding entreaty and 
resistance equally fruitless, I prepared to follow the mes- 
sengers, and took leave of my landlord and his company with 
great reluctance. Accompanied by my faithful boy, for 
Daman's slave made his escape on seeing the Moors, we 
reached Dalli in the evening ; where we were strictly 
watched by the Moors during the night. 

March 8th. We were conducted by a circuitous path thro' 
the woods to Dangali, where we slept. 



98 



TRAVELS IN THE 



March 9th. We continued our journey, and in the after- 
noon arrived at Sampaka. On the road we saw a party 
aS Moors, well armed, who told us they were hunting for a 
runaway slave ; but the towns-people informed us, that a 
party of Moors had attempted to steal some cattle from the 
town in the morning, but we were repulsed ; and, on their 
describing their persons, wc were satisfied they were the 
same banditti we had seen in the woods. 

Next morning, March 10th, we set out for Samaning 
Koos. On the road we overtook a woman and two boys, 
with an ass ; she informed us that she was going for Bam- 
barra, but had been stopped on the road by a party of 
Moors, who had taken most of her clothes, and some gold 
from her ; and that she would be under the necessity of re- 
turning to Deena till the fast moon was over. The same 
evening the new moon was seen which ushered in the 
month Rhamadan. .Large fires were made in different parts 
uf the town, and a greater quantity of victuals than usual 
dressed upon the. occasion. 

March 1 1th." .By daylight the Moors were in readiness ; 
but as I had suffered much from thirst on the road, I made 
my boy fill a soofroo of water for my own use ; for the 
Moors assured mc, that they should not taste either meat 
or drink until sunset. However, I found that the exces- 
sive heat of the sun, and the dust we raised in travelling, 
overcame their scruples, and made my soofroo a very use- 
ful part of our baggage. On our arrival at Deena, I went 
to pay my respects to one of Ali's sons. I found him sit- 
ting in a low hut, with five or six more of his companions, 
washing their hands and feet, and frequently taking wa- 
ter into their mouths, gargling and spitting it out again. 
I was no sooner seated, than he handed me a double-bar- 
relled gun, and told me to dye the stock of a blue colour, 
and repair one of the locks. I found great difficulty in per- 
suading him that I knew nothing about the 'matter. How- 
ever, says he, if you cannot repair the gun, you shall give 
me Fome knives and scissars immediately ; and when 
;ny boy, who acted as interpreter, assured him that I had 
no such articles, he hastily snatched up a musket that stood 
by him, cocked it, and putting the muzzle close to the 
boy's ear, would certainly have shot him dead upon the 
spot, had not the Moors wrested the musket from him, and 
made signs for us to retreat. The boy being terrified at 



INTERIOR OF AFRICA. 



this treatment, attempted to make his escape in the night ; 
but was prevented by the vigilance of the Moors, who 
guarded us wiih strict attention ; and at night always went 
to sleep by the door of the hut, in such a situation, that it 
was almost impossible to pass without stepping upon therm 

March 1 2th. We departed from Deena towards Be 
nowm, and about nine o'clock :came to Korree, whence the 
Moors were preparing to depart to the southward, on ac 
count of the scarcity of water ; here we filled our soofrco, 
and continued our journey over a hot sandy country, cov- 
ered with small stunted shrubs, until about one o'clock, 
when the heat of the sun obliged us to stop. But our wa- 
ter being expended, we could not prudently remain longer 
than a few minutes to collect a little gum, which is an ex- 
cellent succedaneum for water ; as it keeps the mouth 
moist, and allays, for a time, the pain in the throat. 

About five o'clock we came in sight of Benowm, the re- 
sidence of Ali. It presented to the eye a great number of 
dirty looking tents, scattered, without order, over a large 
space of ground ; and among the tents appeared large herds 
of camels, cattle, and goats. We reached the skirts of this 
camp, a little before sunset, and, with much entreaty, pro- 
cured a little water. My arrival was no sooner observed, 
than the people who drew water at the wells threw down 
their buckets; those in the tents mounted their horses ; 
and men, women, and children, came running or galloping 
towards me. I soon found rnyseif surrounded by such 
a crowd, that I could scarcely move ; one pulled my 
clothes, another took off my hat, a third stopped me to ex 
amine my waistcoat buttons, and a fourth called out la ilia it 
allah Mahamei rascti'I allahl^ and signified, in a threatening 
manner, that I must repeat those words. We reached at 
length the king's tent, where we found a great number of 
people, men and women, assembled. Ali was sitting upon 
a black leather cushion, clipping a few hairs from his up 
per lip ; a female attendant holding up a looking glass be - 
fore him. He appeared to be an old man, of the Arab cast, 
with a long white beard, and he had a sullen and indignant 
aspect. He surveyed me with attention, and enquired of 
the Moors if I could sp-eak Arabic ; being answered in the 
negative, he appeared much surprised, and continued si- 

* p"£re SO, 



TRAVELS IN THE 



lent. The surrounding attendants, and especially the la* 
dies, were abundantly more inquisitive ; they asked a thou- 
sand questions ; inspected every part of my apparel, search- 
ed my pockets, and obliged me -to unbutton my waistcoat^ 
and display the whiteness of my skin ; they even counted my 
toes and lingers, as if they doubted whether I was in truth 
a human being. In a little time the priest announced 
evening prayers ; but before the people departed, the 
Moor who had acted as interpreter, iniormcd me, that Ali was 
about to present mc with something to eat ; and looking 
round,! observed some boys bringing a wild hog, which they 
tied to one of the tent strings? and Ali made signs to me to 
kill and dress it for supper. Tho' I was very hungry, I did 
not think it prudent to eat any part of an animal so much de- 
tested by the Moors, and therefore told him that I never eat 
such food. They then untied the hog, in hopes that it would 
run immediately at me ; for they believe thai a great enmity 
subsists between hogs and Christians ; but in this they were 
disappointed ; for the animal no sooner regained his liber- 
ty, than he began to attack indiscriminately every person 
that came in Jus way, and at last took shelter under the couch 
upon Which the king was sitting. The assembly being 
thus dissolved, I was conducted to the tent of Ali's chief 
slave, but was not permitted to enter, nor allowed to touch 
any tiling belonging to it. I requested something to eat, 
and a little boiled corn, with salt and water, was at length 
sent me in a wooden bowl ; and a mat was spread upon 
the sand before the tent, on which I passed the night, sur- 
rounded by the curious multitude. 

At sunrise, Ali, with a few attendants, came on horse- 
back to visit me, and signified that he had provided a hut 
for me, where I would be sheltered from the sun. I was 
accordingly conducted thither, and found the hut compara- 
■ive>y cool and pleasant. It was constructed of corn 
;tulks set up on end, in the form of a square with a Hat roof 
of the same materials, supported by forked sticks ; to one 
of which was tied the wild hog before mentioned. This 
animal had certainly been placed there by Ali's order, out 
of derision to a Christian, and I found it a very disagreeable 
inmate, as it drew together a number of boys, who amused 
Themselves by beating it with sticks, until they had so irri- 
ated the : eg that it ran and bit evcrv person within its 
reach.. 'Wh^Mi^^W" : ' 



INTERIOR OF AFRICA. 



101 



I was no sooner seated in this my new habitation, than the 
Moors assembled in crowds to behold rne ; but I found 
it rather a troublesome levee, for I was obliged to take oft* 
one of my stockings, and shew them my foot, and even to 
to take off my jacket and waistcoat, to shew them how my 
clothes, were put on and off; they were much delighted 
with the curious contrivance of buttqas. All this was^ to 
be repeated to every succeeding visitor; for such as had 
already seen these wonders, insisted on their friends seeing 
the same ; and in this manner I was employed, dressing 
and undressing, buttoning and unbuttoning, from food to 
night. About eight o'clock, All sent me ior supper, some 
kouskous and salt and water, which was very acceptable^ 
being the only victuals I had tasted since morning. 

I observed that, in the night, the Moors kept regular watch, 
and frequently looked into the hut, to see if I was asleep, 
and if it was quite dark, they would light a wisp of grass, 
About two o'clock in the morning a jVIot^r entered the hut, 
probably with a view to steal something, cr perhaps to mur- 
der me ; and groping about he laid his hand upon my should- 
er. As night visiters were at best but suspicious charac- 
ters, I sprang up the moment he laid his hand upon me; 
and the Moor in his haste to get off stumbled over my boy, 
and fell with his face upon the wild hog, which returned 
the attack by biting the Moor's arm. The screams of this 
man alarmed the people in the king's tent, who immediately 
conjectured that I had made my escape, and a number of 
them mounted their horses, and prepared to pursue me. I 
observed upon this occasion, that Ali did not sleep in his 
own tent, but came galloping upon a white horse from a 
small tent at a considerable distance; indeed, the tyranni- 
cal and cruel -behaviour of this man made him so jealous of 
every person around hrm, that even his own slaves and do- 
mestics knew* not where he slept. When the Moors had 
explained to him the cause of this outcry, they all went 
away, and I was permitted to sleep quietly until morning. 

March 13th. With the returning day commenced the 
same round of insult and irritation; the boys assembled to 
beat the hog, and the men and women to plague the Chris- 
tian. It is impossible for to me describe the behaviour of a 
people who study mischief as a science, and exult in the 
miseries and misfortunes of their fellow-creatures. It is 
^Efficient to observe* that the* rudeness, ferocity, and fanata 

I 2 



102 



TRAVELS IN THE 



cism, which distinguish the Moors from the rest of man- 
kind, found here a proper subject whereon to exercise their 
propensities. I was a stranger^ I w r as unprotected, and 
I was a Christian; each of these circumstances is suffi- 
cient to drive every spark of humanity from the heart of a 
Moor ; but when all of them, as in my case, were combin- 
ed in the same person, and a suspicion prevailed withal, 
that I had come as a sfiy into the country, the reader will 
easily imagine, that in such a situation, I had every thing 
to fear. Anxious, however, to conciliate favour, and, if 
possible, to afford the Moors no pretence for ill treating me, 
1 readily complied with every command, and patiently bore 
every insult ; but never did any period of my life pass away 
so heavily ; from sunrise to sunset was I obliged to suffer, 
with an unruffled countenance,, the insult of the rudest 
savages on earth. 

CHAPTER X. 

Yarioits occurrencea during the Authors conformant at 
jJenovjm; he is -visited by some Moorish ladies, A fu- 
neral and a wedding ; he receives an extraordinary pre- 
sent from the bride. Incidents illustrative of the Moor- 
ish character and manners, 

A HE Moors, though very indolent themselves, are rigid 
task-masters, and keep every person under them in full 
employment. My boy Demba was sent to the woods to 
collect withered grass for Ali's horses, and after a variety 
of projects concerning myself, they at last found out an em- 
ployment for me ; this was no other than the respectable 
office of barber, I was to make my first exhibition in this 
capacity in the royal presence, and to be honoured with the 

ask of shaving the head of the young prince of Ludamar> 
I accordingly seated myself upon the sand, and the boy, 
with some hesitation, sat down beside me. A small razor, 
about three inches long, was put into my hand, and I was or- 
dered to proceed ; but whether from my own want of skill, ot 



INTERIOR OF AFRICA. 



103 



the improper shape of the instrument, I unfortunately made, 
a slight incision in the boy's head, at the very commence- 
ment of the operation ; and the king observing the auk ward 
manner in which I held the razor, concluded that his son's 
head was in Very improper hands, and ordered me to re- 
sign the razor, and* walk out of the tent. This I consider- 
ed as a very fortunate circumstance ; for I had laid it 
clown as a rule, to make myself as useless and insignificant 
as possible, as the only means of recovering my liberty. 

March 1 8th. Four Moors arrived from Jarra with John- 
son my interpreter, having seized him before he had re- 
ceived any intimation of my confinement, and bringing 
with them a bundle of clothes that I had left at Daman 
Jumma's house, for my use in case I should return by the 
way of Jarra. Johnson was led into Ali's tent and examin- 
ed ; the bundle was opened, and I was sent for, to explain 
the use of the different articles. I was happy, however, to 
find, that Johnson had committed my papers to the charge 
of one of Daman's wives. When I had satisfied Ali's curiosi- 
ty respecting the different articles of apparel, the. bundle 
was again tied up, and put in a large cow skin bag that stood 
in a corner of the tent. The same evening Ali sent three 
of his people to inform me, that there were many thieves in 
the neighbourhood, and that to prevent the rest of my things 
from being stolen, it was necessary to convey them all into 
his tent. My clothes, instruments, and every thing that 
belonged to me, were accordingly carried away ; and though 
the heat and dust made clean linen very necessary and re- 
freshing, I could not procure a single shirt out of the small 
stock I had brought along with me. Ali was however dis- 
appointed, by not finding among my effects the quantity of 
gold and amber that he expected ; but to make sure of 
every thing, he sent the same people on the morning fol- 
lowing, to examine whether I had any thing concealed 
about my person. They, with their usual rudeness, search- 
ed every part of my apparel, and stripped me of all my 
gold, amber, my watch, and one of my pocket compasses ; 
I had fortunately, in the night, buried the other compass in 
the sand ; and this, with the clothes I had on, was all that 
the tyranny of Ali had now left me. 

The gold and amber were highly gratifying to Moorish 
avarice, but the pocket compass soon ^became an object oS 
super siltioiis curiosity, Ali was very desirous to be iia- 



104 



TRAVELS IN THE 



formed, why that small piece of iron, the needle, always 
pointed to the Great Desert ; and I found myself some- 
what puzzed to answer the question. To have pleaded 
my ignorance would have created a suspicion that I wished 
to conceal the real truth from him ; I therefore told him, 
that my mother resided far beyond the sands of Zaharra, 
and that whilst she was alive, the piece of iron would al- 
ways point that way, and serve as a guide to conduct me 
to her, and that if she was dead it would point to her grave. 
Ali now looked at the compass with redoubled amazement ; 
turned it round and round repeatedly ; but observing that 
it always pointed the same way, he took it up with great 
caution, and returned it to me, manifesting, that he thought 
there was something of magic in it, and that he was afraid 
of keeping so dangerous an instrument in his possession. 

March 20th. This morning, a council of chief men was 
held in Ali's tent respecting me ; their decisions, though 
they were all unfavourable to me, were differently related 
by different persons. Some said, that they intended to put 
me* to death ; others, that I was only to lose my right hand ; 
but the most probable account was that which I received 
from Ali's own son, a boy about nine years of age, who 
came to me in the evening, and, with much concern, in- 
formed me, that his uncle had persuaded his father to put- 
out my eyes, which they said resembled those of a cat, and 
that all the Bushreens had approved of this measure. His 
father, however, he said, would not put the sentence into 
execution until Fatima the queen, who was at present in 
the north, had seen me. 

March 2 1st. Anxious to know my destiny, I went to the 
king early in the morning ; and as a number of Bushreens 
were assembled, I thought this a favourable opportunity of 
discovering their intentions. I therefore began by beg- 
ging his permission to return to Jarra, which was flatly re- 
fused : His wife, he said, had not yet seen me, and I must 
stay until she came to Bencwm, after which,, I should be at 
liberty to depart ; and that my horse, winch had been taken 
away from me the day after I had arrived, should be again 
restored to me Unsatisfactory as this answer was, 1 was 
forced to appear pleased ; and as there was little hopes of 
making my escape at this season of the year, on account of 
the excessive heat, and the total want of water in the woods? 
I resolved to wait patiently untiHhe rains had set in, or ma- 



INTERIOR OF AFRICA. 



105 



til some more favourable opportunity should present itself 
btit hops deferred maketh the heart sick ; This tedious 
procrastination from day to day, and the thoughts of tra- 
veling through the Negro kingdoms in the rainy season, 
icli was now fast approaching, made me very melan- 
choly ; and having passed a restless night, I found myself 
attacked, in the morning, by a smart fever- I had wrapped 
myself close up in my cloak, with a view to induce perspi- 
ration, and was asleep when a party of Moors entered the 
hut, and with their usual rudeness pulled the cloak from 
me. I made signs to them that I was sick, and wished 
much to sleep ; but I solicited in vain ; my distress was 
matter of sport to them, and they endeavoured to heighten 
it by every means in their power. This studied and de- 
grading insolence, to which I was constantly exposed, was 
one of the bitterest ingredients in the cup of captivity, and 
often made life itself a burthen to me. In those distressing 
moments 1 have frequently envied the situation of the 
slave ; who, amidst all his calamities, could still possess 
the enjoyment of his own thoughts ; a happiness to which I 
had, for some time,, been a stranger. Wearied out with 
such continual insults, and perhaps a little peevish from the 
fever, I trembled lest my passion might unawares overleap 
the bounds of prudence, and spur me to some sudden act 
of resentment, when death must be the inevitable conse- 
quence. In this perplexity I left ray hut, and walked to 
some shady trees a little distance from the camp, where I 
lay down. But even here, persecution followed me ; and 
solitude was thought too great an indulgence for a distres- 
ses Christian. All's son, with a number of horsemen, came 
galloping to the place, and ordered me to rise and follow 
them. I begged they would allow me to remain where I 
was, if it was only for a few hours ; but they paid little at- 
tention to what I said ; and after a few threatening words, 
one of them pulled out a pistol from a leather bag, that was 
fastened to the pummel of his saddle, and presenting it to- 
w rets me, snapped it twice. He did this with so much in- 
dirl « nce, that I really doubted whether the pistol was 
lo. d ; he cocked it a third time, and was striking the flint 
vvil piece of steel, when I begged them to desist, and re- 
ttt a with them to the camp. When we entered Ali's 
te< we found him much out of 'humour. He called for 
the Moor's pistol, and amused himself for some time with 



106 



TRAVELS IN THE 



opening and shutting the pan ; at length, taking up his pov 
derhorn, he fresh primed it; and turning round to me with 
a menacing look, said something in Arabic, which 1 did 
not understand. I desired my boy, who was sitting before 
the tent, to inquire what offence I had committed ; when I 
was informed, that having gone out of the camp without 
Ali's permission, they suspected that I had some design of 
making my escape ; and that, in future, if I was seenjwith- 
out the skirts of the camp, orders had been given that I 
should be shot by the first person that observed me. 

In the afternoon the horizon, to the eastward, was thick 
and hazy, and the Moors prognosticated a sand wind ; which 
accordingly commenced on the morning following, and 
lasted, with slight intermissions, for two days. The force 
of the wind was not in itself vary great ; it was what a sea- 
man would have denominated a stiff breeze ; but the quan- 
tity of sand and dust carried before it, w T as such as to dar- 
ken the whole atmosphere. It swept along from east to 
west, in a thick and constant stream, and the air was at 
times so dark and full of sand, that it was difficult to discern 
the neighbouring tents. As the Moors always dress their 
victuals in the open air, this sand fell in great plenty amongst 
the kouskous; it readily adhered to the skin, when moist- 
ened by perspiration, and formed a cheap and universal hair 
powder. The Moors wrap a cloth round their face, to pre- 
vent them from inhaling the sand, and always turn their 
backs to the wind when they look up, to prevent the sand 
falling into their eyes. 

About this time, all the women of the camp had their 
feet) and the ends of their hungers, stained of a dark saffron 
colour. I could never ascertain whether this was done 
from motives cf religion, or by way of ornament. The cu- 
riosity of the Moorish ladies had been very troublesome to 
me ever since my arrival at Benowm ; and on the evening 
of the 25th (whether from the instigation of others, or im- 
pelled by their own ungovernable curiosity, or merely out 
cf frolic, I cannot affirm) a party of them came into my hut, 
and gave me plainly to understand, that the object of their 
visit was to ascertain, by actual inspection, whether the rite 
cf circumcision extended to the Nazareens (Christians) as 
as well as to the followers of Mahomet. The reader will 
easily judge oi my surprise at this unexpected declaration; 
and in order to avoid the proposed scrutiny, I thought it 



INTERIOR OF AFRICA. 



best to treat the business jocularly. I observed to them, 
that it was not customary in my country to give occular de- 
monstration in such cases, before so many beautiful women ; 
but that if all them would retire, except the young lady to 
whom I pointed, selecting the youngest and handsomest, 
I would satisfy her curiosity. The ladies enjoyed the jest, 
and went away laughing heartily; and the young damsel 
herself, to whom I had given the preference, though she 
did not avail herself of the privilege of inspection, seemed 
no way displeased at the compliment; for she soon after- 
wards sent me some meal and milk for my supper. 

March 28th. This morning, a large herd of cattle arriv- 
ed from the eastward ; and one of the drivers to whom Ali 
had lent my horse, came into my hut with the leg of an ante- 
lope as a present, and told me, that my horse was standing 
before Ali's tent. In a little time All sent one of his slaves 
to inform me, that, in the afternoon, I must be in readiness 
to ride out with him as he intended to shew me some of his 
women. 

About lour o'clock, Ali, with six of his courtiers, came 
riding to my hut, and told me to follow them. I readily 
complied. But here a new difficulty occurred : The Moors, 
accustomed to a loose and easy dress, could not reconcile 
I themselves to the appearance of my nankeen breeches^ 
which they said were not only inelegant, but, on account of 
their tightness, very indecent; and as this was a visit to la- 
dies, Ali ordered my boy to bring out the loose cloak which 
I had always worn since my arrival at Benowm,and told me 
to wrap it close round me. We visited the tents of four 
different ladies, at every one of which I was presented with 
a bowl of milk and water. All these ladies were remarka- 
bly corpulent, which is considered here as the highest mark 
of beauty. They were very inquisitive, and examined my 
hair and skin with great attention ; but affected to consider 
me as a sort of inferior being to themselves, and would knit 
their brows, and seem to shudder, when they looked at the 
whiteness of my skin. In the course of this evening's ex- 
cursion, my dress and appearance afforded infinite mirth to 
the company, who galloped round me as if they were bait- 
ing a wild animal ; twirling their muskets round their 
heads, and exhibiting various feats of activity and horseman- 
ship, seemingly to display their superior prowess over a 
miserable captive. 



108 



TRAVELS IN THE 



The Moors are certainly very good horsemen. They 
ride without fear; their saddles being high before and be- 
hind, afford them a very secure seat, and if they chance to 
fall, the whole country is so soft and sandy, thatt hey are very 
seldom hurt. Their greatest pride, and one of their prin- 
cipal amusements, is to put the horse to his full speed, and 
then stop him with a sudden jerk, so as frequently to bring 
him down upon his haunches. Ali always rode upon a milk- 
white horse, with its tail died red. He never walked, un- 
less when he went to say his prayers; and even in the night, 
two or three horses were always kept ready saddled, at a 
Httie distance from his own tent. The Moors set a very 
high value upon their horses ; for it is by their superior 
fleetness, that they are enabled to make so many predatory 
excursions into the Negro countries. They feed them 
' hree or four times a day, and generally give them a large 
quantity of sweet milk in the evening, which the horses ap- 
pear to relish very much. 

April 3d. This forenoon a child, which had been some 
time sickly, died in the next tent, and the mother and rela- 
tions immediately began the death howl. They were join- 
ed by a number of female visitors, who came on purpose to 
assist at this melancholy concert. I had no opportunity of 
seeing the burial, which is generally performed secretly, in 
the dusk of the evening, and frequently at only a few yards 
distance from the tent. Over the grave they plant one par- 
ticular shrub, and no stranger is allowed to pluck a leaf, or 
even to touch it; so great a veneration have they for the 
dead. 

April 7th. About four o'clock in the afternoon, a whirl- 
wind passed through the camp with such violence, that it 
overturned three tents, and blew down one side of my hut. 
These whirlwinds come from the Great Desert, and, at this 
season of the year, are so common, that I have seen five or 
six of them at one time. They carry up quantities of sand 
to an amazing height, which resemble at a distance, so many 
moving pillars of smoke. 

The scorching heat of the sun, upon a dry and sandy 
country, makes, the air insufferably hot. Ali having rob- 
bed me of my thermometer, I had no means of forming a 
comparative judgment; but in the middle of the day, when 
the beams of the vertical sun are- seconded by the scorching 
wind from the Desert, the grcund is frequently heated to 



INTERIOR OF AFRICA. 



109 



such a degree, as not to be borne by the naked foot ; even 
the Negro slaves, will not run from one tent to another 
without their sandals. At this time of the day, the Moors 
lie stretched at length in their tents, either asleep, or un- 
willing to move; and I have often felt the wind so hot, that 
I could not hold my hand in the current of air which came 
through the crevices of my hut, without feeling sensible 
pain. 

April 8th. This day the wind blew from the south-west, 
and in the night there was a heavy shoAver of rain, accompa- 
nied with thunder and lightning. 

April 10th. In the evening the tabala, or large drum, 
was beat, to announce a wedding, which was held at one of 
the neighbouring tents. A great number of people of both 
sexes assembled, but without that mirth and hilarity which 
take place at a Negro wedding; here was neither singing, 
nor dancing ; nor any other amusement that I could per- 
ceive. A woman was beating the drum, and the other women 
joining at times, like a chorus, by setting up a shrill scream ; 
and at the same time moving their tongues from one side of 
the mouth to the other, with great celerity. I was soon tired, 
and had returned into my hut, where I was sitting almost 
asleep, when an old woman entered, with a wooden bowl in 
her hand, and signified she had brought me a present from 
the bride. Before I could recover from the surprise which 
this message created, the woman discharged the contents 
of the bowl full in my face. Finding that it was the samo 
sort of holy water, with which, among the Hottentots, tha 
priest is said to sprinkle a new married couple, I began to 
suspect that the old lady was actuated by mischief, or ma- 
lice ; but she gave me seriously to understand, that it was 
a nuptial benediction from the bride's own person ; and 
which, on such occasions, is always received by young un- 
married Moors as a mark of distinguished favour. This be- 
ing the case, I wiped my face, and sent my acknowledg- 
ments to the lady. The wedding drum continued to beat, and 
the women to sing, or rather to whistle, all night. About 
nine in the morning, the bride was brought in state from her 
mother's tent, attended by a number of women, who carri- 
ed her tent, a present from the husband, some bearing up 
the poles, others holding by the strings; and in this man- 
ner they marched, whistling as formerly, until they came 
to the place appointed for her residence, where they pitch- 



110 



TRAVELS IN THE 



ed the tent. The husband followed, with a number r of 
men leading four bullocks, which they tied to the tent 
strings ; and having killed another, and distributed the 
beef among the people, the ceremony was concluded. 



CHAPTER XI. 

Occurrences at the camp continued. Information collected 
by the Author concerning Houssa and Tombuctoo : and the 
situation of the latter. Route from Morocco to Benowm. 
Author's distress from hunger. Ali removes his camp. 
The Author carried prisoner to the new encampment, and 
is presented to Fatima the queen. Great distress from tht 
Kvant of water. 

One whole moDth had now elapsed since I was led into 
captivity ; during which time, each returning day brought 
me fresh distresses. I watched the lingering course of the 
sun with anxiety, and blessed his evening beams as they 
shed a yellow lustre along the sandy floor of my hut; for it 
-was then that my oppressors left me, and allowed me to 
pass the sultry night in solitude and reflection. 

About midnight, a bowl of kouskous with some salt and 
%vater was brought for me and my two attendants ; this was 
our common fare, and it was all that was allowed us, to allay 
the cravings of hunger, and support nature for the whole of 
the following day : For it is to be observed, that this was 
the Mahomedan lent ; and as the Moors keep the fast with 
a religious strictness, they thought it proper to compel me, 
though a Christian, to a similar observance. Time, how- 
ever, somewhat reconciled me to my situation : I found that 
I could bear hunger and thirst better than I expected ; and 
at length, I endeavoured to beguile the tedious hours, by 
learning to write Arabic. The people who came to see 
rne, soon made me acquainted with the characters ; and I 
discovered, that by engaging their attention in this way, 
they were not so troublesome as otherwise they would have 
been ; indeed, when I observed any person whose counte- 
nance I thought bore malice towards me r I made it a rule 



INTERIOR OF AFRICA. i 1 1 

to ask him, either to write in the sand himself, or to deci- 
pher what I had already written ; and the pride of shewing 
his superior attainments, generally induced* him to comply 
with my request. 

April 14th. As queen Fatima had not yet arrived, AH 
proposed to go to the north, and bring her back with him ; 
but as the place was two days' journey from Benowm, it was 
necessary to have some refreshment on the road; and Ali, 
suspicious of those about him, was so afraid of being poison- 
ed, that he never eat any thing but what was dressed under 
his own immediate inspection. A fine bullock was there- 
fore killed, and the flesh being cut up into thin slices, was 
dried in the sun ; and this, with two bags of dry kouskous, 
formed his travelling provisions. 

Previous to his departure, the black people of the town 
of Benowm came according to their ancient custom, to 
shew their arms, and bring their stipulated tribute of corn 
and cloth. They were but badly armed ; twenty-two with 
muskets, forty or fifty with bows and arrows ; and nearly 
the same number of men and boys, with spears only : They 
arranged themselves before the tent, where they waited 
until their arms were examined, and some little disputes 
settled. 

About midnight on the 16th, Ali departed quietly from 
Benowm, accompanied by a few attendants. He was ex* 
pec ted td return in the course of nine or ten days. 

April 18th. Two days after the departure of AH, a 
Shereef arrived with salt and some other articles, from 
Walet, the capital of the kingdom of Biroo. As there was no 7 
tent appropriated for him, he took up his abode in the same 
hut with me. He seemed to be a well informed man, and 
his acquaintance both with the Arabic and Bambarra 
tongues, enabled him to travel with ease and safety, through 
a number of kingdoms ; for though his place of residence 
was Walet, he had visited Houssa, and had lived some years 
at Tombuctoo. Upon my inquiring so particularly about 
the distance, from Walet to Tombuctoo, he asked me if 
I intended to travel that Way ; and being answered in the 
affirmative, he shook his head, and said, it would not do ; 
for that Christians were looked upon there as the devil's 
children, and enemies to the Prophet From him I learned 
the following particulars; that Houssa was the largest town 
he had ever seen : that Walet was larger than TombuctCTX-v 



TRAVELS IN THE 



but being remote from the Niger, and its trade consisting , 
chiefly of salt, it was not so much resorted to by strangers ; 
that between Benowm and Walet was ten days journey, but 
the road did not lead through any remarkable towns, and 
travellers supported themselves by purchasing milk from 
the Arabs, who keep their herds by the watering places ; 
two of the days journies, was over a sandy country, with- 
out water. From Walet to Tombuctoo, was eleven days 
more, but water was more plentiful, and the journey was 
usually performed upon bullocks. He said there were many 
Jews at Tombuctoo, but they all spoke Arabic, and used 
the same prayers as the Moors. Pie frequently pointed 
Lis hand to the south east quarter, or rather the east by 
south, observing, that Tombuctoo was situated in that di- 
rection ; and though I made him repeat this information, 
again and again, I never found him to vary more that half a 
point, which was to the southward. 

April 24th. This morning, Shereef Sidi Mahomed Moora 
Abdalla, a native of Morocco, arrived with five bullocks 
loaded with salt. He had formerly resided some months 
at Gibraltar, where he had picked up as much English as 
enabled him to make himself understood. He informed 
me, that he had been five months in coming from Santa 
Cruz ; but that great part of the time had been spent in 
trading. When I requested him to enumerate the days 
employed in travelling from Morocco to Benowm, he gav« 
them as follows : — To Swera, three days ; to Agadier, 
three ; to Jiniken, ten ; to Wadenoon, four ; to Lakeneig, 
five ; to Zeeriwin-Zcriman, five ; to Tisheet, ten ; to Be- 
nowm ten; in all fifty days: But travellers usually rest a 
long while at Jinikin and Tisheet ; at the latter of which 
they dig the rock salt, which is so great an article of com- 
merce with the Negroes. 

In conversing with these Shereefs, and the different 
strangers that resorted to the camp, I passed my time with 
rather less uneasiness than formerly. On the other hand, 
as the dressing of my victuals was now left entirely to the 
care of Ali's slaves, over whom I had not the smallest con- 
iroul, I found myself but ill supplied, worse even than in 
the 1st month ; for two successive nights they neglected 
to send us our accustomed meal, and though my boy went 
to a small Negro town near the camp, and begged with 
great diligence from hut to hut, he could only procure a 



INTERIOR OF AFRICA. 



113 



a few handfuls of ground nuts, which he readily shared 
with me. Hunger, at first, is certainly a very painful 
sensation; but when it has continued for some time, this 
pain is succeeded by languor and debility; in which case, a 
draught of water, by keeping the stomach distended, will 
greatly exhilirate the spirits, and remove for a short time 
every sort of uneasiness. Johnson and Demba were very 
much dejected. They lay stretched upon the sand, in a 
sort of torpid slumber ; and even when the kouskous ar- 
rived, I found some difficulty in awakening them. I felt 
no inclination to sleep, but was affected with a deep con- 
vulsive respiration, like constant sighing ; and, what alarm- 
ed me still more, a dimness of sight, and a tendency to faint 
when I attempted to sit up. These symptoms did not go 
off until some time after I had received nourishment. 

We had been for some days in daily expectation of Ali's 
return from Saheel (or the north country) and his wife Fa~ 
tima. In the meanwhile, Mansong, king of Bambarra, as 
I have related in chapter VIII. had sent to-Ali for a party 
of horse, to assist in storming Gedingooma. With this de- 
mand Ali had not only refused to comply, but had treated 
the messengers with great haughtiness and contempt ; 
upon which Mansong gave up all thoughts of taking the- 
town, and prepared to chastize Ali for his contumacy. 

Things were in this situation when on the 29th of Aprils 
a messenger arrived at Benowm with the disagreeable in - 
telligence, that the Bambarra army was approaching the 
frontiers of Ludamar. This threw the whole country into 
confusion ; and in the afternoon, All's son, with about 
twenty horsemen, arrived at Benowm. He ordered all. the 
cattle to be driven away immediately, all the tents to be 
struck, and the people to hold themselves in readiness to 
depart at daylight the next morning. 

April 30th. At daybreak, the whole camp was in mo- 
tion. The baggage was carried upon bullocks, the two tent, 
poles being placed one on each side, and the different 
wooden articles of the tent distributed in like manner ; 
the tent cloth was thrown overall, and upon this was com-- 
monly placed one or two women ; for the Moorish women 
sire very bad walkers. The king's favourite concubines 
rode upon camels, with a saddle of a particular construc- 
tion, and a canopy to shelter them from the sun. We pro- 
ceeded, to the northward until noon 3 when the king's son 

K %■ 



U4 



TRAVELS IN THE 



ordered the whole company, except two tents to enter a 
thick low wood, which was upon our right. I was sent 
along with the two tents, and arrived in the evening at a 
Negro town called Farani ; here we pitched the tents in 
an open place, at no great distance from the town. 

The hurry and confusion which attended this decamp- 
ment, prevented the slaves from dressing the usual quanti- 
ty of victuals; and lest their dry provisions should be ex- 
hausted before they reached their place of destination, for 
as yet none but Ali and the chief men knew whither we 
were going, they thought proper to make me observe this 
day as a day of fasting. . 

May 1st. As I had reason to suspect that this day was 
also to be considered as a fast, I went in the morning to the 
Negro town of Farani, and begged some provisions from the 
Dooti, who readily supplied my wants, and desired me to 
come to his house every day, during my stay in the neigh- 
bourhood. These hospitable people are looked upon by 
the Moors, as an abject race of slaves, and are treated ac- 
cordingly. Two of All's household slaves, a man and a 
•woman, who had come along with the two tents, went this 
looming to water the cattle from the town wells, at which 
there began to be a great scarcity. When the Negro wo- 
men observed the cattle approaching, they took up their 
pitchers, and ran with all possible haste towards the town, 
but before they could enter the gate, they were stopped by 
the slaves, who compelled them to bring back the water 
they had drawn for their own families, and empty it into the 
troughs for the cattle. When this was exhausted, they 
were ordered to draw water until such a time as the cattle 
had all drank ; and the woman slave actually broke two 
wooden bowls over the heads of the black girls, because 
they were somewhat dilatory in obeying her commands. 

May 3d. We departed from the vicinity of Farani, and 
after a circuitous route through the woods, arrived at Ali's 
camp in the afternoon. This encampment was larger than 
that of Benowm, and was situated in the middle of a thick 
wood about two miles distant from a Negro town, called 
Bubaker. I immediately waited upon Ali, in order to pay 
my respects to queen Fatima, who had come with him from 
Saheel. He seemed much pleased with my coming; shook 
hands with me, and informed his wife that I was the Chris- 
tian. She was a woman of the Arab cast, with long black 



INTERIOR OF AFRICA. 



hair, and remarkably corpulent. She appeared at first ra- 
ther shocked at the thought of having a Christian so near 
her ; but when I had, by means of a Negro boy who spoke 
the Mandingo and Arabic tongues, answered a great many 
questions, which her curiosity suggested, respecting the 
country of the Christians, she seemed more at ease, and 
presented me with a bowl of milk; which I considered as 
a very favourable omen. 

The heat was now almost insufferable ; all nature seemed 
sinking under it. The distant country presented to the eye 
a dreary expanse of sand, with a few stunted trees, and 
prickly bushes, in the shade of which, the hungry cattle 
licked up the withered grass, while the camels and goats 
picked off the scanty foliage. The scarcity of water was 
greater here than at Benowm. Day and night the wells 
were crowded with cattle, lowing and fighting with each 
other to come at the trough : Excessive thirst made many 
of them furious ; others, being too w r eak to contend for the 
water, endeavoured to quench their thirst by devouring the 
black mud from the gutters near the wells ; which they did 
with great avidity; though it was commonly fatal to them. 

This great scarcity of water was felt severely by all the 
people of the camp, and by none more than myself; for 
though AH allowed me a skin for containing water, and Fa- 
tima, once or twice, gave me a small supply when I was in 
distress, yet such was the barbarous disposition of the 
Moors at the wells, that, when my boy attempted to fill the 
skin, he commonly received a sound drubbing for his pre* 
sumption. Every one was astonished, that the slave of 
a Christian should attempt to draw water from wells, 
which had been dug by the followers of the Prophet. This 
treatment, at length, so frightened the boy, that I believe he 
would sooner have perished with thirst, than attempted 
again to fill the skin ; he therefore contented himself with 
begging water from the Negro slaves that attended the 
camp ; and I followed his example ; but with very indifferent 
success ; for though I let no opportunity slip, and was very 
urgent in my solicitations, both to the Moors and Negroes, 
I was but ill supplied, and frequently passed the night in the 
situation of Tantalus. No sooner had I shut my eyes, than 
fancy would convey me to the streams and rivers of my na- 
tive land ; there, as I wandered along the verdant brink, I 
surveyed the clear stream with transport, and hastened to 



116 



TRAVELS IN THE 



swallow the delightful draught; but alas! disappointment 
awakened me ; and I found myself a lonely captive, perish- 
ing of thirst amidst the wilds of Africa. 

One night, having solicited in vain for water at the camp, 
and being quite feverish, I resolved to try my fortune at the 
wells, which were about half a mile distant from the camp. 
Accordingly, I set out about midnight, and being guided by 
the lowing of the cattle, soon arrived at the place ; where 
I found the Moors very busy drawing water. I request- 
ed permission to drink, but was driven away, with outrage- 
ous abuse. Passing, however, from one well to another, I 
came at last to one where there was only an old man and 
two boys. I made the same request to this man, and he 
immediately drew me up a bucket of water ; but, as I was 
about to take held of it, he recollected that I was a Chris- 
tian, and fearing that his bucket might be polluted by my 
lips, he dashed the water into the trough, and told me to 
drink from thence. Though this trough was none of the 
largest, and three cows were already drinking in it f I resol- 
ved to come in for my share ; and kneeling down, thrust 
my head between two of the cows, and drank with great 
pleasure, untill the water was nearly exhausted ; and the 
Cows began to contend with each other for the last mouthful. 

In adventures of this nature, I passed the sultry month of 
May, during which, no material change took place in my 
situation. Ali still considered me as a lawful prisoner; 
and Fatima, though she allowed me a larger quantity of 
victuals than I had been accustomed to receive at Benowm, 
had as yet said nothing on the subject of my release. In 
the meantime, the frequent changes of the wind, the gath- 
ering clouds, and distant lightning, wkh other appearances 
of approaching rain, indicated that the wet season was at 
hand ; when the Moors annually evacuate the country of 
the Negroes, and return to the skirts of the Great Desert. 
This made me consider, that my fate was drawing towards 
a crisis, and I resolved to wait for the event without any 
seeming uneasiness; but circumstances occured which pro- 
duced a change in my favour more suddenly than I had 
foreseen, or had reason to expect. The case was this : 
The fugitive Kaartans, who had taken refuge in Ludamar, 
as I have related in Capter VIII. finding that the Moors 
were about to leave them, and dreading the resentment of 
their own sovereign, whom they had so basely deserted, of- 



INTERIOR OF AFRICA, 



117 



feared to treat with AH, for two hundred Moorish horsemen, 
to co-operate with them in an effort to expel Daisy from 
Gedingooma ; for until Daisy should be vanquished, or 
humbled, they considered that they could neither return to 
their native towns, nor live in security in any of the neigh- 
bouring kingdoms. With a view to extort money from 
these people, by means of this treaty, Ali dispatched hi sson 
to Jarra, and prepared to follow him in the course of a few 
days. This was an opportunity of too great consequence to 
me, to be neglected. I immediately applied to Fatima, who 
I found had the chief direction in all affairs of state, and 
begged her interest with Ali, to give me permission to ac- 
company him to Jarra. This request, after some hesita- 
tion, was favourably received. Fatima looked kindly on 
me, and I believe, was at length moved with compassion 
towards me. My bundles were brought from the large 
cow-skin bag that stood in the corner of Ali's tent, and I 
was ordered to explain the use of the different articles, and 
shew the method of putting on the boots, stockings, &c. 
with all which I cheerfully complied, and was told, that in 
the course of a few days, I should be at liberty to depart* 

Believing, therefore, that I should certainly find the 
means of escaping from Jarra, if I should once get thither, 
I now freely indulged the pleasing hope, that my captivity 
would soon terminate ; and happily, not having been disap- 
pointed in this idea, I shall pause in this place, to collect, 
and bring into one point of view, such observations on the 
Moorish character, and country, as I had no fair opportuni- 
ty of introducing into the preceding narrative. 



TRAVELS IN THE 



CHAPTER XII. 

Further miscellaneous reflections on the Moorish manner & 
and character. Observations on the Great Desert, its 
animals^ wild and domestic^ S^c. ifc . 

The Moors of this part of Africa are divided into many 
separate tribes ; of which the most formidable, according to 
what was reported to me, are those of Trasart and II Bra- 
ken, which inhabit the northern bank of the Senegal river. 
The tribes of Gedumah, Jafnoo, and Ludamar, though not 
so numerous as the former, are nevertheless very powerful 
and warlike ; and are each governed by a chief, or king, 
who exercises absolute jurisdiction over his own horde, 
without acknowledging allegiance to a common sovereign. 
In time of peace, the employment of the people is pastur- 
age. The Moors, indeed, subsist chiefly on the flesh of 
their cattle ; and are always in the extreme of either glut- 
tony or abstinence. In consequence of the frequent and 
severe fasts which their religion enjoins, and the toilsome 
journeys which they sometimes undertake across the De- 
sert, they are enabled to bear both hunger and thirst, with 
surprising fortitude; but whenever opportunities occur pf 
satisfying their appetite, they generally devour more at one 
meal, than would serve an European for three. They pay 
but little attention to agriculture; purchasing their corn, 
cotton-cloth, and other necessaries, from the Negroes, in 
exchange for salt, which they dig from the pits in the Great- 
Desert. 

The natural barrenness of the country is such, that it fur- 
nishes but few materials for manufacture. The Moors, 
however, contrive to weave a strong cloth, with which they 
cover their tents ; the thread is spun by their women from 
the hair of goats ; and they prepare the hides of their cattle, 
so as to furnish saddles, bridles, pouches, and other articles 
of leather. They are likewise sufficiently skilful to convert 
the native iron, which they procure from the Negroes, into 
spears and knives, and also into pots for boiling their food ; 
but their sabres and other w r eapons, as welt as their fire- 
arms and ammunition, they purchase from the Europeans, 
in exchange for the Negro slaves wiiich they obtain in their . 



INTERIOR OF AFRICA. 



119 



predatory excursions. Their chief commerce of this kind 
is with the French traders on the Senegal river. 

The Moors are rigid Mahomedans, and possess, with 
the bigotry and superstition, all the intolerance of their 
sect. They have no mosques at Benowm, but perform 
their devotions in a sort of open shed, or inclosure made 
of mats. The priest is, at the same time, schoolmaster to 
the juniors. His pupils assemble every evening before 
his tent; where, by the light of a large lire, made of brush- 
wood and cows' dung, they are taught a few sentences from 
the Koran, and are initiated into the principles of their 
creed. Their alphabet differs but little from that in Rich- 
ardson's Arabic grammar : They always write with the 
vowel points : Their priests even affect to know something 
of foreign literature. The priest of Benowm assured me f 
that he could read the writings of the Christians ; he shew- 
ed me a number of barbarous characters, which he asserted 
%vere the Roman alphabet ; and he produced another speci- 
men, equally unintelligible, which he declared to be the 
Kallam il Indi^ or Persian. His library consisted of nine 
volumes in quarto ; most of them, I believe, were books 
of religion ; for the name of Mahomet appeared, in red let- 
ters, in almost every page of each. His scholars wrote 
their lessons upon thin boards ; paper being too expensive 
for general use. The boys were diligent enough, and ap- 
peared to possess a considerable share of emulation ; car- 
rying their boards slung over their shoulders when about 
their common employments. When a boy has committed 
to memory a few of their prayers, and can read and write 
certain parts of the Koran, he is reckoned sufficiently in- 
structed ; and, with this slender stock of learning, commen- 
ces his career of life. Proud of his acquirements, he sur- 
veys with contempt the unlettered Negro ; and embraces 
every opportunity of displaying his superiority over such 
of his countrymen, as are not distinguished by the same ac- 
complishments. 

The education of the girls is neglected altogether \ men- 
tal accomplishments are but little attended to by the wo- 
men ; nor is the want of them considered by the men, as a 
defect in the female character. They are regarded, I be- 
lieve, as an inferior species of animals; and seem to be 
brought up for no other purpose than that of administering 
to the sensual pleasures of their imperious masters. Vo- 



120 



TRAVELS IN THE 



luptuousness isj therefore, considered as their chief accom- 
plishment, and slavish submission as their indispensible 
duty. 

The Moors have singular ideas of feminine perfection : 
The gracefulness of figure and motion, and a countenance 
enlivened by expression, are by no means essential points 
in their standard ; with them, corpulence and beauty appear 
to be terms nearly synonymous. A woman of even mode- 
rate pretensions, must be one who cannot walk without a 
slave under each arm to support her, and a perfect beauty 
is a load for a camel. In consequence of this prevalent 
taste for unwieldiness of bulk, the Moorish ladies take 
great pains to acquire it early in life ; and for this purpose, 
many of the young girls are compelled by their mothers, to 
devour a great quantity of kouskous, and drink a large bowl 
of camels* milk every morning. It is of no importance, 
whether the girl has an appetite or not; the kouskous and 
milk must be swallowed, and obedience is frequently en- 
forced by blows. I have seen a poor girl sit crying, with 
the bowl at her lips, for more than an hour ; and her mother, 
with a stick in her hand, watching her all the while, and 
using the stick without mercy, whenever she observed that 
her daughter was not swallowing. This singular practice, 
instead of producing indigestion and disease, soon covers 
the young lady with that degree of plumpness, which, in 
the eye of a Moor, is perfection itself. 

As the Moors purchase all their clothing from the Ne- 
groes, the women are forced to be very economical in the 
article of dress. In general, they content themselves with 
a broad piece of cotton cloth, which is wrapped round the 
middle, and hangs down like a petticoat, almost to the- 
ground ; to the upper part of this are sewed two square 
pieces, one before and the other behind, which are fasten- 
ed together over the shoulders. The head-dress is com- 
monly abandage of cotton cloth, with some parts of it broad- 
er than others, which serve to conceal the face when they 
v r alk in the sun ; frequently, however, when they go abroad* 
they veil themselves from head to foot. 

The employment of the women varies, according to their 
degress of opulence. Queen Fatima, and a few others of 
high rank, like the great ladies in some parts of Europe, 
pass their time chiefly in conversing with their visitors, 
performing their devotions, or admiring their charn^s in a 



INTERIOR OF AFRICA. 



12i 



looking-glass. The women of inferior class employ them- 
selves in different domestic duties. They are very vain 
and talkative ; and when any thing puts them out of hu- 
mour, they commonly vent their anger upon their female 
slaves, over whom they rule with severe and despotic author- 
ity ; which leads me to observe, that the condition of these 
poor captives is deplorably wretched. At day-break, they 
are compelled to fetch water from the wells, in large skins, 
called girbas ; and as soon as they have bro't water enough 
to serve the family for the day, as well as the horses, for the 
Moors seldom give their horses the trouble of going to the 
wells, they are then employed in pounding the corn, and 
dressing the victuals. This being always done in the open 
air, the slaves are exposed to the combined heat of the sun, 
the sand, and the fire. In the intervals, it is their business 
to sweep the tent, churn the milk, and perform other domes- 
tic offices. With all this they are badly fed, and oftentimes 
cruelly punished. 

The men's dress among the Moors of Ludamar, differs 
but little from that of the Negroes, which has already been 
described, except that they have ail adopted that character- 
ibtic of the Mahdmedan sect, the turban ; which is here 
universally made of white cotton cloth. Such of the Moors 
as have long beards, display them with a mixture of pride 
and satisfaction, as denoting an Arab ancestry. Of this num- 
ber was Ali himself ; but among the generality of the peo- 
ple, the hair is short and bushy, and universally black. And 
here I may be permitted to observe, that if any one circum- 
stance excited among them favourable thoughts towards my 
own person, it was my beard ; which was now grown to an 
enormous length, and was always beheld with approbation 
or envy. I believe in my conscience, they thought it tog 
good a beard for a Christian. 

The only diseases which I observed to prevail among 
the Moors, were the intermittent fever, and dysentery ; for 
the cure of which, nostrums are sometimes administered by 
their old women ; but in general, nature is left to her own 
operations. Mention was made to me of a small-pox, as be- 
ing sometimes very destructive ; but it had not, to my 
knowledge, made its appearance in Ludamar, while I was 
in captivity. That it prevails, however, among some tribes 
of the Moors, and that it is frequently conveyed by them to 
the Negroes in the southern states > I was assured, on the 



122 



TRAVELS IN THE 



authority of Dr. Laidley ; who also informed me that the 
Negroes on the Gambia practice innoculation. 

The administration of criminal justice, as far as I had op- 
portunities of observing, was prompt and decisive. For al- 
though civil rights were but little regarded in Ludamar, it 
was necessary, when crimes were committed, that exam- 
ples should sometimes be made. On such occasions, the 
offender was brought before Ali, who pronounced, of his 
sole authority, what judgment he thought proper. But I 
understood, that capital punishment was seldom or never 
inflicted, except on the Negroes. 

Although the wealth of the Moors consists chiefly in their 
numerous herds of cattle ; yet, as the pastoral life does not 
afford full employment, the majority of the people are per- 
fectly idle, and spend the day in trifling conversation about 
their horses, or inlaying schemes of depredation on ihe Ne- 
gro villages. 

The usual place of rendezvous for the indolent, is the 
king's tent ; where great liberty of speech seems to be ex- 
ercised by the company towards each other, while, in speak- 
ing of their chief, they express but one opinion. In praise 
of their sovereign they are unanimous. Songs are compos- 
ed in his honour, which the company frequently sing in 
concert ; but they are so loaded with gross adulation, that 
no man but a Moorish despot, could hear them without 
blushing. The king is distinguished by the fineness of his 
dress, which is composed of blue cotton cloth brought from 
Tombuctoo, or white linen or muslin from Morocco. He 
has likewise a larger tent than any other person, with a 
white cloth over it : But, in his -usual intercourse with his 
subjects, all distinctions of rank are frequently forgotten. 
He sometimes eats out of the same bowl with his camel 
driver, and reposes himself, during the heat of the day, up- 
on the same bed. The expenoes of his government and 
household are defrayed by a tax upon his Negro subjects* 
which is paid by every househoulder, either in corn, cloth, 
or gold dust ; a tax upon the different Moorish Korrees, or 
watering-places, which is commonly levied in cattle ; and a 
tax upon all merchandize which passes through the king- 
dom, and is generally collected in kind. But a considera- 
ble part of the king's revenue arises from the plunder of in- 
dividuals. The Negro inhabitants of Ludamar, and the trav- 
elling merchants, are afraid of appearing rich ; for Ali, who 
has spies stationed in the different towns, to give him in- 



INTERIOR OF AFRICA. 



formation concerning the wealth of his subjects, frequently 
invents some frivolous plea for seizing their property, and 
reducing the opulent to a level with their fellow-citizens. 

Of the number or Ali's Moorish subjects I had no means 
of forming a correct estimate. The military strength of 
Ludamar consists in cavalry. They arc well mounted, and 
appear to be very expert in skirmishing and attacking by 
vsurprise. Every soldier furnishes his own horse, and finds 
his accoutrements, consisting of a large sabre, a double bar- 
relled gun, a small red leather bag for holding his balls, and 
a powder horn slung over the shoulder. He has no pay, 
nor any remuneration but what arises from plunder. This 
body is not very numerous, for when Ali made war upon 
Bambarra, I was informed that his whole farce did not ex, 
ceed two thousand cavalry. They constitute, however, by 
what I could learn, but a very small proportion of his Moor- 
ish subjects. The horses are very beautiful, and so highly 
esteemed, that the Negro princes will sometimes give from 
twelve to fourteen slaves for one horse. 

Ludamar has for its northern boundary the Great Desert 
of Sahara. From the best inquiries I could make, this vast 
ocean of sand, which occupies so large a space in Northern 
Africa, may be pronounced almost destitute of inhabitants ; 
except where the scanty vegetation which appears in cer- 
tain spots, affords pasturage for the flocks of a few misera- 
ble Arabs, who wander from one well to another. In other 
places, where the supply of water and pasturage is more 
abundant, small parties of the Moors have taken up their 
residence : Here they live in independent poverty, secure 
from the tyrannical government of Barbary. But, the greater 
part of the Desert being totally destitute of water, is seldom 
visited by any human being ; unless where the trading cara- 
vans trace out their toilsome and dangerous rout across it. 
In some parts of this extensive wsste, the ground is covered 
with low stunted shrubs, which serve as land-marks for the 
caravans, and furnish the camels with a scanty forage. In 
other parts, the disconsolate wanderer, wherever he turns, 
sees nothing around him but a vast interminable expanse of 
sand and sky ; a gloamy and barren void, where the eye 
finds no particular object to rest upon, and the mind is fill- 
ed with painful apprehensions of perishing with thirst. — 
" Surrounded by this dreary solitude, the traveller sees the 
dead bodies of birds, that the violence of the wind has 
brought from happier regions ; and, as he ruminates on the 



TRAVELS IN THE 



fearful length of his remaining passage, listens with horror 
lo the voice of the driving blast ; the only sound that inter- 
rupts the awful repose of the Desert."* 

The few wild animals which inhabit these melancholy re- 
gions, are the antelope and the ostrich ; their swiftness of 
foot enabling them to leach the distant watering-places. — 
On the skirts of the Desert, where water is more plentiful, 
are found lions, panthers, elephants, and wild boars. 

Of domestic animals, the only one that can endure the 
fatigue of crossing the Desert, is the camel. By the partic- 
ular conformation of the stomach, he is enabled to carry a 
supply of water sufficient for ten or twelve days ; his broad 
and yielding foot is well adapted for a sandy country ; and 
by a singular motion of his upper lip, he picks the smallest 
leaves from the thorny shrubs of the Desert as he passes 
along. The camel is, therefore, the only beast of burden 
employed by the trading caravans, which traverse the Des- 
ert in different directions, from Barbary to Nigritia. As 
this useful and docile creature has been sufficiently describ- 
ed by systematical writers 3 it is unnecessary for me to en- 
large upon his properties. I shall only add, that his flesh, 
though to my own taste dry and unsavoury, is preferred, by 
the Moors, to any other; and that the milk of the female is 
in universal esteem, and is indeed sweet, pleasant, and nu- 
tritive. 

I have observed that the Moors in their complexion, re- 
semble the Mulattoes of the West Indies ; but they have 
something unpleasant in their aspect, which the Mulattoes 
have not. I fancied, that I discovered in the features of 
most of them, a disposition towards cruelty and low cunning ; 
and I could' never contemplate their physiognomy without 
feeling sensible uneasiness. From the staring wildness of 
their eyes, a stranger would immediately set them down as 
a nation of lunatics. The treachery and malevolence of 
their character, are manifested in their plundering excur- 
sions against the Negro villages. Oftentimes, without the 
smallest provocation, and sometimes, under the fairest pro- 
fessions of friendship, they will suddenly seize upon the 
Negroes' cattle, and even on the inhabitants themselves. — 
The Negroes very seldom retaliate. The enterprizing 
boldness of the Moors, their knowledge of the country, and, 
above all, the superior fleetness of their horses s make them 



* Proceeding's of the African Association, Part I 



INTERIOR OF AFRICA. 



such formidable enemies, that the petty Negro States which 
border upon the Desert, are in continual terror while the 
Moorish tribes are in the vicinity, and are too much awed to 
think of resistance. 

Like the roving Arabs, the Moors frequently remove 
from one place to another, according to the season of the year, 
or the convenience of pasturage. In the month of Februa- 
ry, when the heat of the sun scorches up every sort of ve- 
getation in the Desert, they strike their tents, and approach 
the Negro country to the south, where they reside until the 
rains commence, in the month of July. At this time, hav- 
ing purchased corn and other necessaries from the Ne- 
groes, in exchange for salt, they again depart to the north- 
ward, and continue in the Desert until the rains are over, 
and that part of the country becomes burnt up and barren. 

This wandering and restless way of life, while it inures 
them to hardships, strengthens, at the same time, the bonds 
of their little society, and creates in them an aversion to- 
wards strangers, which is almost insurmountable. Cut off 
from all intercourse with civilized nations, and boasting an 
advantage over the Negroes, by possessing, though in a very 
limited degree, the knowledge of letters, they are, at once, 
the vainest and proudest, and perhaps the most bigotted, fe- 
rocious, and intolerant, of all the nations on the earth ; com- 
bining in their character, the blind superstition of the Ne- 
gro, with the savage cruelty and treachery of the Arab. 

It is probable that many of them had never beheld a white 
man before my arrival at Benowm, but they had all been 
taught to regard the Christian name -with inconceivable ab- 
horrence, and to consider it nearly as lawful to murder an 
European, as it would be to kill a dog. The melancholy 
fate of Major Houghton, and the treatment I experienced 
during my confinement among them, will, I trust, serve as 
a warning to future travellers to avoid this inhospitable dis- 
trict. 

The reader may, probably, have expected from me, a 
more detailed and copious account of the manners, customs, 
superstitions, and prejudices, of this secluded and singular 
people ; but it must not be forgotten, that the wretchedness 
of my situation among them, afforded me but few opportu- 
nities of collecting information. Some particulars, however, 
might be added in this place ; but being equally applicable 
to the Negroes to the southward, they will appear in a stifr- 
seouent page. 

L 2 



126 



TRAVELS IN THE 



CHAPTER XIII. 

Ali departs for Jarra : the author is allowed to follow him 
thither. The Author's faithful sei % vant, Demba, is seized 
by AlVs order and sent back into slavery. Ali returns to 
his camp, and permits the Author to remain at Jarra, who 
meditates his escape. Daisy, king of Kaarta, approaching 
with his army towards Jarra, the inhabitants quit the 
town, and the author with them, A party of Moors over- 
take him at Queira ; he gets away from them ; is again 
pursued by another party and robbed, but finally effects 
/lis escape. 

Hav ING, as has been related, obtained permission to ac- 
company Ali to Jarra, I took leave of queen Fatima, who, 
with much grace and civility returned me part of my appar- 
rel ; and the evening before my departure, my horse, with 
my saddle and bridle, were sent me by Ali's order. 

Early on the morning of the 26th of May I departed from 
the camp of Bubaker, accompanied by my two attendants, 
Johnson and Demba, and a number of the Moors on horse- 
back : Ali, with about fifty horsemen, having gone private- 
ly from the camp during the night. We stopped about 
noon at Farani, and were there joined by twelve Moors rid- 
ing upon camels, and with them we proceeded to a watering 
place in the woods, where we overtook Ali and his fifty 
horsemen. They were lodged in some low shepherds' tents 
near the wells. As the company was numerous, the tents 
could scarcely accommodate us all ; and I was ordered to 
sleep in the open space, in the centre of the tents, where 
every one might observe my motions. During the night 
there was much lightning from the north-east ; and about 
day-break a very heavy sand-wind commenced, which con- 
tinued with great violence until four in the afternoon. The 
quantity of sand which passed to the westward in the course 
of this day, must have been prodigiously great. At times it 
was impossible to look up ; and the cattle were so torment- 
ed by the particles lodging in their ears and eyes, that they 
ran about like mad creatures, and I was in continual dan- 
ger of being trampled to death by them. 

May 28th. Early in the morning the Moors saddled their 



INTERIOR OF AFRICA. UT 
• 

horses, and Ali's chief slave ordered me to get in readiness. 
In a little time the same messenger returned, and taking 
my boy by the shoulder, told him in the Mandingo language, 
that " Ali was to be his master in future and then turn- 
ing to me, " the business is settled at last," said he, " the 
boy, and every thing but your horse, goes back to Bubaker ; 
but you may take the old fool, meaning Johnson, the inter- 
preter, with you to Jarra." I made him no answer ; but 
being shocked beyond description at the idea of losing the 
poor boy, I hastened to Ali, who was at breakfast before his 
tent, surrounded by many 01 his courtiers. I told him, per- 
haps in rather too passionate a strain, that whatever impru- 
dence I had been guilty of in coming into his country, I 
thought I had already been sufficiently punished for it, by 
being so long detained, and then plundered of all my little 
property ; which, howeyer, gave me no uneasiness, when 
compared with what he had just now done me. I observed, 
that the boy which he had now seized upon, was not a slave, 
and had been accused of no offence ; he v/as indeed one of 
my attendants, and his faithful services in that station, had 
procured him his freedom ; his fidelity and attachment had 
made him follow me into my present situation ; and as he 
looked up to me for protection, I could not see him depriv- 
ed of his liberty, without remonstrating against such an act, 
as the height of cruelty and injustice. Ali made no reply, 
but with a haughty and malignant smile, told his interpret- 
er, that if I did not mount my horse immediately, he would 
send me back likewise. There is something in the frown 
of a tyrant which rouses the most secret emotions of the 
heart ; I could not suppress my feelings, and for once en- 
tertained an indignant wish to rid the world of such a mon- 
ster. 

Poor Demba was not less affected than myself ; he had 
formed a strong attachment towards me, and had a cheer- 
fulness of disposition, which often beguiled the tedious 
hours of captivity ; he was likewise a puoficient in the Bam- 
barra tongue, and promised on that account to be of great 
utility to me in future. But it was in vain to expect any 
thing favourable to humanity, from people who are stran- 
gers to its dictates. So having shaken hands with this un- 
fortunate boy, and blended my tears with his, assuring him 
however, that I would do my utmost to redeem him, I saw 



128 



TRAVELS IN THE 



him led off by three of Ali's slaves, towards the camp at 
Bubaker. 

When the Moors had mounted their horses, I was order- 
ed to follow them ; and after a toilsome journey through 
the woods, in a very sultry day, we arrived in the afternoon 
at a walled village, called Doombani ; where we remained 
two days, waiting for the arrival of some horsemen from the 
northward. 

On the first of June we departed from Doombani towards 
Jarra. Our company now amounted to two hundred men, 
all on horseback ; for the Moors never use infantry in their 
wars. They appeared capable of enduring great fatigue ; 
but from their total want of discipline, our journey to Jarra 
was more like a fox-chase, than the march of an army. 

At Jarra I took up my lodging at the house of my old ac- 
quaintance, Daman Jumraa, and informed him of every 
thing that had befallen me. I particularly requested him 
to use his interest with Ali,to redeem my boy, and promis- 
ed him a bill upon Dr. Laidley, for the value of two slaves, 
the moment he brought him to Jarra. Daman very readily 
undertook to negotiate thebusiness ; but found that Ali con- 
sidered the boy as my principal interpreter, and was un- 
willing to part with him, lest he should fall a second time 
into my hands, and be instrumental in conducting me to 
Bambarra. Ali therefore put off the matter from day to 
day ; but withal told Daman, that if he wished to purchase 
the boy for himself, he should have him thereafter, at the 
common price of a slave ; which Daman agreed to pay for 
him, whenever Ali should send him to Jarra. 

The chief object of Ali in this journey to Jarra, as I have 
already related, was to procure money from such of the 
Kaartans, as had taken refuge in this country. Some of 
these had solicited his protection, to avoid the horrors of 
war ; but by far the greatest number of them were dissat- 
isfied men, who wished the ruin of their own sovereign. 
These people no sooner heard, that the Bambarran army had 
returned to Sego, without subduing Daisy, as was general- 
ly expected, than they resolved to make a sudden attack 
themselves upon him, before he could recruit his forces, 
which were now known to be much diminished by a bloody 
campaign, and in great want of provisions. With this view 
they solicited the Moors to join them, and offered to hire of 
Ali two hundred horsemen j which Ali 5 with the warmest 



INTERIOR OF AFRICA. 



129 



professions of friendship, agreed to furnish, upon condition 
that they should previously supply him with four hundred 
head of cattle, two hundred garments of blue cloth, and a 
considerable quantity of beads and ornaments. The raising 
this impost somewhat perplexed them ; and in order to pro- 
cure the cattle, they persuaded the king to demand one- 
half the stipulated number from the people of Jarra, promis- 
ing to replace them in a short time. Ali agreed to this 
proposal, and the same evening, June 2d, the drum was sent 
through the town, and the crier announced, that if any per- 
son suffered his cattle to go into the woods the next morn- 
ing, before the king had chosen his quota of them, his 
house should be plundered, and his slaves taken from him. 
The people dared not disobey the proclamation ; and next 
morning about two hundred of their best cattle were select- 
ed, and delivered to the Moors: The full complement was 
made up afterwards, by means equally unjust and arbitrary 

June 8th. In the afternoon Ali sent his chief slave to in- 
form me, that he was about to return to Bubaker ; but as he 
would only stay there a few days to keep the approaching fes- 
tival ( Bonna Sake J and then return to Jarra, I had permis- 
sion tu remain with Daman until his return. This was Joy- 
ful news to me ; but I had experienced so many disap- 
pointments that I was unwilling to indulge the hope of its 
being true, until Johnson came and told me, that Ali, with 
part of the horsemen, were actually gone from the town, 
and that the rest were to follow him in the morning. 

June 9th. Early in the morning, the remainder of the 
Moors departed from the town. They had, during their 
stay, committed many acts of robbery ; and this morning, 
with the most unparrelled audacity, they seized upon three 
girls, who were bringing water from the wells, and carried 
them away into slavery. 

The anniversary of Bonna Sake at Jarra, very well de- 
served to be called a festival. The slaves were all finely clad 
on this occasion, and the householders vied with each other 
in providing large quantities of victuals, which they distri- 
buted to all their neighbours with the greatest profusion ; 
hunger was literally banished from the town; man, woman, 
and child, bond and free, all had as much as they could eat. 

June 12th. Two people, dreadfully wounded, were dis- 
covered at the watering-place in the woods; one of them 
had just breathed his last, but the other was brought alive to 



130 TRAVELS IN THE 

Jarra. On recovering a little, he informed the people, that 
he had fled through the woods from Kasson ; that Daisy had 
made war upon Samho, the King of that country ; had sur- 
prised three of his towns, and put all the inhabitants to 
the sword. He enumerated by name, many of the friends 
of the Jarra people, who had been murdered in Kasson. 
This intelligence made the death-howl universal in Jarra, 
for the space of two days. 

This piece of bad news, was followed by another not less 
distressing. A number of runaway slaves, arrived from 
Kaarta on the 14th, andreported that Daisy, having received 
information concerning the intended attack upon him, was 
about to visit Jarra. This made the Negroes call upon Ali 
for the two hundred horsemen which he was to furnish 
them, according to engagement. But Ali paid very little 
attention to their remonstrances, and at last plainly told 
them, that his cavalry were otherwise employed. The 
Negroes, thus deserted by the Moors, and fully apprized 
that the king of Kaarta would shew them as little clemency 
as he had shewn the inhabitants of Kasson, resolved to col- 
lect all their forces, and hazard a battle, before the king, 
who was now in great distress for want of provisions, should 
become too powerful for them. They therefore assembled 
about eight hundred effective men in the whole; and with 
these they entered Kaarta, on the evening of the 18th of 
June. 

June 19th. This morning the wind shifted to the south- 
west ; and about two o'clock in the afternoon we had a heavy 
tornado, or thunder squall, accompanied with rain, which 
greatly revived the face of nature, and gave a pleasant cool- 
ness to the air. This was the first rain that had fallen for 
many months. 

As every attempt to redeem my boy had hitherto been 
unsuccessful, and in all probability would continue to prove 
so whilst I remained in the country? I found that it was ne- 
cessary for me to come to some determination concerning 
my own safety, before the rains should be fully set in ; for 
my landlord seeing no likelihood of being paid for his trou- 
ble, began to wish me away ; and Johnson, my interpreter, 
refusing to proceed, my situation became very perplexing. 
If I continued where I was, I forsaw that I must soon fall a 
victim to the barbarity of the Moors; and yet, if I went for- 
ward singly, it was evident that I must sustain great diffi- 



INTERIOR OF AFRICA. 



131 



eulties, both from the want of means to purchase the neces- 
saries of life, and of an interpreter to make myself under- 
stood. On the other hand, to return to England without 
accomplishing the object of my mission, was worse than 
either. I therefore determined to avail myself of the first 
opportunity of escaping, and to proceed directly for Bam- 
barra, as soon as the rain had set in for a few clays, so as to 
afford me the certainty of finding water in the wood3. 

Such was my situation, when, on the evening of the 24th 
of June, I was startled by the report of some muskets close 
to the town, and enquiring the reason, was informed that 
the Jarra army had returned from fighting Daisy, and that 
this firing was by way of rejoicing. However, when the 
chief men of the town had assembled, and heard a full de- 
tail of the expedition, they were by no means relieved from 
their uneasines on Daisy's account. The deceitful Moors 
having drawn back from the confederacy, after being hired 
by the Negroes, greatly dispirited the insurgents ; who, in- 
stead of finding Daisy with a few friends concealed in the 
strong fortress of Gedingooma, had found him at a town 
near Joko, in the open country, surrounded by so numer- 
ous an army, that every attempt to attack him was at once 
given up ; and the confederates only thought of enriching 
themselves, by the plunder of the small towns in the neigh- 
bourhood. They accordingly fell upon two of Daisy's 
towns, and carried off the whole of the inhabitants ; but lest 
intelligence of this might reach Daisy, and induce him to 
cut off their retreat, they returned through the woods by 
night, bringing with them the slaves and cattle which they 
had captured. 

June 26th. This afternoon a spy from Kaarta, brought 
the alarming intelligence, that Daisy had taken Simbing in 
the morning, and would be in Jarra sometime in the course 
of the ensuing day. A number of people were immediate- 
ly stationed on the tops of the rocks, and in the different 
passages leading into the town, to give early intelligence of 
Daisy's motions ; and the women set about making the ne- 
cessary preparations for quitting the town as soon as possi- 
ble. They continued beating corn, and packing up differ- 
ent articles, during the night ; and early in the morning, 
nearly one half of the towns-people took the road from Bam- 
barra, by the way of Deena. 



132 



TRAVELS IN THE 



Their departure was very affecting ; the women and 
children crying ; the men sullen and dejected ; and all of 
them looking back with regret on their native town ; and 
on the wells and rocks, beyond which their ambition had 
never tempted them to stray, and where they had laid all 
their plans of future happiness ; all of which they were now 
forced to abandon, and to seek shelter among strangers. 

June 27th. About eleven o'clock in the forenoon we 
were alarmed by the centinels, who brought information 
that Daisy was on his march towards Jarra, and that the con- 
federate army had fled before him without firing a gun. — 
The terror of the towns-people on this occasion is not easi- 
ly to be described. Indeed, the screams of the women and 
children, and the great hurry and confusion that every where 
prevailed, made me suspect that the Kaartans had already 
entered the town ; and although I had every reason to be 
pleased with Daisy's behaviour to me, when I was at Kem- 
moo, I had no wish to expose myself to the mercy of his ar- 
my, who might, in the general confusion, mistake me for a 
Moor. I therefore mounted my horse, and taking a large 
bag of corn before me, rode slowly along with the towns- 
people, until we reached the foot of a rocky hill, where I 
dismounted, and drove my horse up before me. When I 
had reached the summit I sat down, and having a full view 
of the town and the neighbouring country, could not help 
lamenting the situation of the poor inhabitants, who were 
thronging after me, driving their sheep, cows, goats, Sec. 
and carrying a scanty portion of provisions, and a few clothes. 
There was a great noise and crying every where upon the 
road ; for many aged people and children were unable to 
walk, and these, with the sick, were obliged to be carried, 
otherwise they must have been left to certain destruction. 

About five o'clock we arrived at a small farm belonging 
to the Jarra people, called Kadeeja ; and here I found Da- 
man and Johnson employed in filling large bags of corn, to 
be carried upon bullocks, to serve as provisions for Da- 
man's family on the road. 

June 28th. At day-break we departed from Kadeeja ; 
and having passed Troongoomba without stopping, arrived 
in the afternoon at Queira. I remained here two days, in 
order to recruit my horse, whieh the Moors had reduced 
to a perfect Rosinante 3 and to wait for the arrival of seme 



INTERIOR OF AFRICA. 



153 



Mandingo Negroes, who were going for Bambarra in the 
course of a few days. 

Chi the afternoon of the first of July, as I was tending tpy 
horse in the fields, All's chief slave and four Moors arrived 
at Queira, and took up their lodging at the Decuy s house. 
My interpreter, Johnson, who suspected the nature of this 
visit, sent two boys to overhear their conversation ; from 
Which he learnt, that they were sent to convey me back to 
Bubaker. The same evening two of the Moors came pri- 
vately to look at my horse, and one of them proposed taking 
it to the Dooty's hut, but the other observed that such a pre- 
caution was unnecessary, as I could never escape upon such 
an animal. They then inquired where I slept, and return- 
ed to their companions. 

All this was like a stroke of thunder to rne, for I dread- 
ed nothing so much as confinement again among the Moors, 
from whose barbarity, I had nothing but death to expect. — 
I therefore determined to set off immediately for Bambar- 
ra ; a measure which I thought offered almost the only 
chance of saving my life, and gaining the object of my mis- 
sion. I communicated the design to Johnson, who, although 
he applauded my resolution, was so far from shewing any 
inclination to accompany me, that he solemnly protested he 
would rather forfeit his wages than go any farther. He told 
me that Daman had agreed to give him half the price of a 
slave for his service, to assist in conducting a coule of slaves 
to Gambia, and that he was determined to embrace the op- 
portunity of returning to his wile and family. 

Having no hopes, therefore, of persuading him to accom- 
pany me, I resolved to proceed by myself. About mid- 
night I got my clothes in readiness, which consisted of two 
shirts, two pair of trowsers, two pocket-handkerchiefs, an 
upper and an under waistcoat, a hat, and a pair ef half boots ; 
these, with a cloak, constituted my whole wardrobe. And 
I had not one single bead, nor any other article of value in 
my possession, to purchase victuals for myself, or corn for 
my horse. 

About day-break, Johnson, who had been listening to the 
Moors all night, came and whispered to me that they were 
asleep. The awful crisis was now arrived, when I was 
again either to taste the blessing of freedom, or languish 
out my days in captivity. A cold sweat moistened my fore- 
head, as I thought on the dreadful -alternative, and fe fleet- 

M 



TRAVELS IN THE 



cd, that one way or the other, my fate must be decided in 
the course of the ensuing day. But to deliberate, was to 
lose the only chance of escaping. So, taking up my bun- 
dle, I stepped gently over the Negroes, who were sleeping 
in the open air, and having mounted my horse, I bade John- 
son farewell, desiring him to take particular care of the pa- 
pers I had entrusted him with, and inform my friends in 
Gambia that he had left me in good health, on my way to 
Bambarra. 

I proceeded with great caution ; surveying each bush, 
and frequently listening and looking behind me for the 
Moorish horsemen, until I was about a mile from the town, 
when I was surprised to find myself in the neighbourhood 
of Korree belonging to the Moors. The shepherds follow- 
ed me for about a mile, hooting and throwing stones after 
me ; and when I was out of their reach, and had begun to 
indulge the pleasing hope of escaping, I was again greatly 
alarmed to hear somebody holla behind me ; and looking 
back, I saw three Moors on horseback coming after me at 
full speed, hooping and brandishing their double-barrelled 
guns. I knew it was in vain to think of escaping, and there- 
fore turned back and met them ; when two of them caught 
hold of my bridle, one on each side, and the third, present- 
ing his musket, told me I must go back to Ali. When the 
human mind has for some time been fluctuating between 
hope and despair, tortured with anxiety, and hurried from 
one extreme to another, it affords a sort of gloomy relief to 
know the worst that can possibly happen ; such was ray- 
situation. An indifference about life, and all its enjoy- 
ments, had completely benumbed my faculties, and 1 rode 
back with the Moors with apparent unconcern. But a 
change took place much sooner than I had any reason to 
expect. In passing through some thick bushes, one of the 
Moors ordered me to untie my bundle, and shew them the 
contents. Having examined the different articles, they 
found nothing worth taking except my cloak, which they 
considered as a very valuable acquisition, and one of them 
pulling it from me, wrapped it about himself. This cloak 
had been of great use to me ; it served to cover me from 
the rains in the day, and to protect me from the musketoes 
in the night ; I therefore earnestly begged him to return it, 
and followed him some little way to obtain it ; but without 
paying any attention to my request, he and one of his corn- 



INTERIOR OF AFRICA. 



135 



panions rode off with their prize. When I attempted to 
follow them, the third, who had remained with me, struck 
my horse over the head, and presenting his musket, told 
me I should proceed no further. I now perceived that 
these men had not been sent by authority to apprehend me, 
but had pursued me solely with a view to rob and plunder 
me. Turning my horse's head therefore once more to- 
wards the east, and observing the Moor following the track 
of his confederates, I congratulated myself on having 
escaped with my life, though in great distress, from such a 
horde of barbarians. 

I was no sooner out of sight of the Moor, than I struck 
into the woods to prevent being pursued, and kept pushing 
on, with all possible speed, until I found myself near some 
high rocks, which I remembered to have seen in my form- 
er route from Queira to Deena; and directing my course a 
little to the northward, I fortunately fell in with the path. 



CHAPTER XIV. 

The Author feels great joy at his deliverance, and proceeds 
through the wilderness, but Jinds his situation -very deplo- 
rable ; suffers greatly from thirst ; faints on the sands ; 
recovers, and makes efforts to push forward ; is relieved 
by rain, and arrives at a Foulah village, where he is re- 
fused relief by the Dooty, but obtains food from a poor 
woman. Proceeds through the wilderness, and lights 
on another Foulah village where he is hospitably received 
by one of the shepherds. Arrives at a Negro town called 
JVawra, i?c. 

It is impossible to describe the joy that arose in my mind, 
when I looked around and concluded that I was out of dan- 
ger. I felt like one recovered from sickness ; I breathed 
freer ; I found unusual lightness in my limbs ; even the 
Desert looked pleasant ; and I dreaded nothing so much as 
falling in with some wandering parties of Moors, who might 
convey me back to the land of thieves and murderers, from 
which I had just escaped. 



TRAVELS IN THE 



I soon became sensible, however, that my situation was 
very deplorable ; for I had no means of procuring food, nor 
prospect of finding water. About ten o'clock perceiving a 
herd of goats feeding close to the road, I took a circuitous 
route to avoid being seen : and continued travelling through 
ihe Wilderness, directing my course by compass, nearly 
east-south-east, in order to reach, as soon as possible, some 
town or village of the kingdom of Bambarra. 

A little after noon, when the burning heat of the sun 
was reflected with double violence from the hot sand, and 
the distant ridges of the hills seen through the ascending 
vapour seemed to wave and fluctuate like the unsettled sea, 
1 became faint with thirst and climbed a tree in hopes of 
seeing distant smoke, or some other appearance of a hu- 
man habitation ; but in vain ; nothing appeared all round 
but thick underwood, and hillocks of white sand. 

About four o'clock I came suddenly upon a large herd of 
goats, and pulling my horse into a bush, I watched to ob- 
serve if the keepers were Moors or Negroes. In a little 
time I perceived two Moorish boys, and with some difficul- 
ty persuaded them to approach me. They informed me 
that the herd belonged to Ali, and that^they were going to 
Deena, where the water was more plentiful, and w T here they 
intended to stay until the rain had filled the pools in the 
Desert. They shewed me their empty water-skins, and 
told me that they had seen no water in the woods. This 
cxcount afforded me but little consolation ; however, it was 
in vain to repine, and I pushed on as fast as possible, in hopes 
of reaching some watering-place in the course of the night. 
My thirst was by this time become insufferable ; my mouth 
was parched and inflamed ; a sudden dimness would fre- 
quently come over my eyes, with other symptoms of faint- 
ing ; and my horse being very much fatigued, I began 
seriously to apprehend that I should perish of thirst. 1 a 
relieve the burning pain in my mouth and throat, I chewed 
the leaves of different shrubs, but found them all bitter and 
of no service to me. 

A little before sunset, having reached the top of a gentle 
rising, I climbed a high tree, from the topmost branches of 
which I cast a melancholy look over the barren Wilder- 
ness, but without discovering the most distant trace of a hu- 
man dwelling. The same dismal uniformity cf shrubs 



INTERIOR OF AFRICA. 



137 



and sand every where presented itself, and the horizon was 
as level and uninterrupted as that of the sea. 

Descending from the tree, I found my horse devouring 
the stubble and brushwood with great avidity ; and as I was 
now too faint to attempt walking, and my horse too much 
fatigued to carry me I thought it but an act of humanity > 
and perhaps the last I should ever have it in my power to 
perform, to take off his bridle and let him shift for him - 
self ; in doing which I was suddenly affected with sickness 
and giddiness, and falling upon the sand, felt as if the h<mi? 
of death was fast approaching. " Here then, thought I, af- 
" ter a short but ineffectual struggle, terminate all my?' 
" hopes of being useful in my day and generation; here 
" must the short span of my life come to an end." 1 
cast, as I believed, a last look on the surrounding scene, 
and whilst I reflected on the awful change that was about 
to take place, this world with its enjoyments seemed to 
vanish from my recollection. Nature, however, at length 
resumed its functions ; and cn recovering my senses I 
found myself stretched upon the sand, with the bridle still 
in my hand, and the sun just sinking behind the trees. I 
now summoned all my resolution, and determined to make 
another effort to prolong my existence. And as the even- 
ing was somewhat cool, I resolved to travel as far as my 
limbs would carry me in hopes of reaching my only re- 
source a watering-place. With this view I put the bridle 
on my horse, and driving him before me, went slowly along- 
for about an hour, when I perceived some lightning from 
the north-east; a most delightful sight, for it promised 
rain : The darkness and lightning increased very rapidly, 
and in less than an hour I heard the wind rearing amon^ 
the bushes; I had already opened my mouth to receive 
the refreshing drops which I expected; but I was instant- 
ly covered with a cloud of sand, driven with such force by 
the wind, as to give a very disagreeable sensation to my 
face and arms, and I was obliged to mount my horse 3 and 
stop under a bush, to prevent being suffocated. The sand 
continued to fly in amazing quantities for near an hour, after 
which I again set forward, and travelled with difficulty un- 
til ten o'clock. About this time I was agreeably surprised 
by some very rivid flashes of lightning, followed by a few 
heavy drops of rain: In a little time the sand ceased tofly ? . 
and I alighted, and spread out all my c!ean clothcsto collect* 

M 2 



138 



TRAVELS IN THE 



the rain, which at length I saw would certainly fail. Fo* 
more than an hour it rained plentifully, and I quenched my 
t hirst by wringing and sucking my clothes. 

There being no moon it was remarkably dark, so that I 
was obliged to lead my horse, and direct my way by the 
compass, which the lightning enabled me to observe. In 
this manner I travelled with tolerable expedition until past 
midnight, when, the lightning becoming more distant, I 
was under the necessity of groping along, to the no small 
danger of my hands and eyes. About two o'clock my horse 
slarteS at something, and looking round I was not a little 
surprised to see a light at a short distance among the trees* 
and supposing it to be a town, I groped along the sand in 
hopes of finding corn stalks, cotton, or other appearances of 
cultivation, but found none. As I approached, I perceived 
a number of other lights in different places, and began to 
suspect that I had fallen upon a party of Moors. However, 
in my present situation I was resolved to see who they 
were, if I could do it with safety. I accordingly led my 
horse cautiously towards the light, and heard by the lowing 
of the cattfe, and the clamorous tongues of the herds-men* 
that it was a watering place, and most likely belonged to the 
'Moors. Delightful as the sound of the human voice was to 
me, I resolved once more to strike into the woods, and ra- 
ther run the risk of perishing of hunger, than trust myself 
again in their hands; but being still thirsty, and dreading 
the approach of the burning day? I thought it prudent to 
search for the wells, which I expected to find at no great 
distance. In this pursuit, I inadvertently approached so 
near one of the tents, as to be seen by a woman, who im- 
mediately screamed out. Two people came running to her 
assistance from some of the neighbouring tents, and passed 
so very near me, that I thought I was discovered, and hast- 
ened again into the woods. 

About a mile from this place, I heard a loud and confused 
noise, somewhere to the right of my course, and in a short 
lime was happy to find it was the croaking of frogs, which 
was heavenly music to my ears. I followed the sound, and 
at day-break arrived at some shallow muddy pools, so full 
«f frogs, that it was difficult to discern the water. The 
noise they made frightened my horse, and I was obliged to 
keep them quiet, by beating the water with a branch until 
lie, had drank. Having here quenched my thirst, I ascend- 



INTERIOR OF AFRICA. 



139 



ed a tree, and the morning being calm, I soon perceived the 
smoke of the watering-place which I had passed in the night, 
and observed another pillar of smoke east-south-east, dis- 
tant twelve or fourteen miles. Towards this I directed my 
route, and reached the cultivated ground a little before elev- 
en o'clock ; where seeing a number of Negroes at work 
planting corn, I inquired the name of the town, and was in- 
formed that it was a Foulah village belonging to Ali, called 
Shriila. I had now some doubis about entering it ; but my 
horse being very much fatigued, and the day growing hot, 
not to mention on the pangs of hunger which began to as- 
sail me, I resolved to venture ; and accordingly rode up to 
the Booty's bouse, where I was unfortunately denied admit- 
tance, and could not obtain even a handful of corn, either 
for myself or horse Turning from this inhospitable door, 
I rode slowly out of town, and perceiving some low scatter- 
ed huts without the walls, I directed my route towards them, 
knowing that in Africa, as well as in Europe, hospitality 
does not always prefer the highest dwellings. At the door 
of one of these huts, an old motherly-looking woman sat, 
spinning cotton ; I made signs to her that I was hungry, 
and inquired if she had any victuals with her in the hut.— 
She immediately laid down*her distaff, and desired me in 
Arabic to come in. When I had seated myself upon the 
floor, she set before me* a dish of kouskous that had been 
left the preceding night, of which I made a tolerable meal, 
and in return for this kindness I gave her one of my pocket- 
handkerchiefs ; begging, at the same time, a little corn for 
my horse, which she readily brought me. 

Overcome with joy at so unexpected a deliverance, I lift- 
ed up my eyes to heaven, and whilst my heart swelled with 
gratitude, I returned thanks to that gracious and bountiful 
Being, whose power had supported me under so many 
dangers, and had now spread for me a table, in the Wilder- 
ness. 

Whilst my horse was feeding, the people began to as- 
semble, and one of them whispered something to my host- 
ess, which very much excited her surprise. Though I 
was not well acquainted with the Foulah language, I soon 
discovered, that some of the men wished to apprehend and 
carry me back to Ali, in hopes, I suppose, of receiving a 
reward I therefore tied up the corn, and lest any one 
should suspect I had ran away from the Moors 3 I took a 



m TRAVELS IN THE 

northerly direction, and went cheerfully along, driving my 
horse before me, followed by all the boys and girls of the 
town. When I had travelled about two miles, and got quit 
of all my troublesome attendants, I struck again into the 
woods, and took shelter under a large tree, where I found 
Unnecessary to rest myself ; a bundle of twigs serving me 
for a bed, and my saddle for a pillow. 

I was awakened about two o'clock by three Fmilahs,who 
taking me for a Moor, pointed to the sun, and told me it 
was time to pray. Without entering into conversation with 
them, I saddled my horse and continued my journey. I 
travelled over a level but more fertile country, than I had 
seen for some time, until sunset, when coming to a path 
that took a southerly direction, I followed it until midnight, 
at which time I arrived at a small pool of rain-water, and the 
wood being open, I determined to rest by it for the night. 
Having given my horse the remainder of the corn, I made 
my bed as formerly ; but the musketoes and flies from 
the pool prevented sleep for some time, and I was twice 
disturbed in the night by wild beasts, which came very near, 
and whose bowlings kept the horse in continual terror. 

July 4th. At day -break I pursued my course through 
the Woods as formerly ; saw numbers of Antelopes, wild 
hogs, and ostriches ; but the soil was more hilly and not so 
fertile as I had found it the preceding day. About eleven 
o'clock I ascended an eminence where I climbed a tree, and 
discovered at about eight miles distance, an open part of 
the country, with several red spots, which I concluded were 
cultivated land ; and directing my course that way, came to 
the precincts of a watering-place about one o'clock. From 
the appearance of the place, I judged it belonged to the 
Foulahs, and was hopeful, that I should meet with a better 
reception than I had experienced at Shrilla. In this I was, 
not deceived, for one of the shepherds invited me to come 
into his tent, and partake of some dates. This was one of 
those low Foulah tents, in which there is room just sufli- 
cient to sit upright, and in which the family, the furniture, 
kc. seem huddled together like so many articles in a chest. 
When I had crept upon my hands and knees into this hum- 
ble habitation, I found that it contained a woman and three 
children ; who together with the shepherd and myself, com- 
pletely occupied the floor. A dish of boiled corn and dates 
uras produced; arrd the master of the family, as is customary 



INTERIOR OF AFRICA. 



141 



in this part of the country, first tasted it himself, and then 
desired me to follow his example. Whilst I was eating, 
the children kept their eyes fixed upon me ; and no soon- 
er did the shepherd pronounce the word Wazarani, than 
they began to cry, and their mother crept slowly towards 
the door, out of which she sprang like a greyhound, and 
was instantly followed by her children ; so frightened were 
they at the very name of a Christian, that no entreaties could 
induce them to approach the tent. Here I purchased some 
corn for my horse in exchange for some brass buttons, 
and having thanked the shepherd for his hospitality, struck 
again into the woods. At sun-set I came to a road that took 
the direction for Bambarra, and resolved to follow it for the 
night ; but about eight o'clock, hearing some people com- 
ing trom the southward, I thought it prudent to hide myself 
among some thick bushes near the road. As these thickets 
are generally full of wild beasts, I found my situation rather 
unpleasant; sitting in the dark, holding my horse by the 
nose with both hands, to prevent him from neighing, and 
equally afraid of the natives without, and the wild beasts 
within. My fears however, were soon dissipated, for the 
people, after looking round the thicket, and perceiving noth- 
ing, went away, and I hastened to the more open part of the 
wood, where I pursued my journey, E. S. E. until past mid- 
night,; when the joyfui cry of frogs, induced me once more 
to deviate a little from my route, in order to quench my 
thirst. Having accomplished this from a large pool of rain 
water, I sought for an open place, with a single tree in the 
midst, under which I made my bed for the night. I was 
disturbed by some wolves towards morning, which induced 
me to set forward a little before day ; and having passed a 
small village called Wassalita, I came about ten o'clock, Ju- 
ly 5th, to a Negro town called Wawra, which properly be- 
longs to Kaarta, but was at this time tributary to Mansong, 
king of Barabarra. 



TRAVELS IN THE 



CHAPTER XV. 

The Author fircceeds to XVassiboo ; is joined by gome fugi- 
tive Kaur tans. Discovers the JSfiger. Account of Sege^ 
the capital of Bambarra* Mansong, the King, refuses to 
see the Author, but sends him a present. Great hospital- 
ity of a A*egro womany Ifc. 

Waw RA is a small town surrounded with high walls, 
and inhabited by a mixture of Mandingoes and Foulahs • — 
The inhabitants employ themselves chiefly in cultivating 
corn, which they exchange with the Moors for salt. Here, 
being in security from the Moors, and very much fatigued, 
I resolved to rest myself; and meeting with a hearty wel- 
come from the Dooty, whose name was Flancharee, I laid 
.myself down upon a bullock's hide, and slept soundly for 
about two hours. The curiosity of the people would not al- 
low me to sleep any longer. They had seen my saddle and 
bridle, and were assembled in great numbers to learn who I 
was, and whence I came. Some were of opinion that I was 
an Arab ; others insisted that I was a Moorish Sultan ; and 
they continued to debate the matter with such warmth, that 
the noise awoke me. The Dooty, who had formerly been 
at Gambia, at last interposed in my behalf, and assured them 
that I Was certainly a white man ; but he was convinced, 
from my appearance, that I was a very poor one. 

In the course of the day, several women, hearing that I 
was going to Sego, came and begged me to inquire of Man - 
song, the king, what was become of their children. One 
woman in particular, told me that her son's name was Ma- 
madee ; that he was no heathen, but prayed to God morning 
and evening, and had been taken from her about three years 
ago by Mansong's army, since which she had never heard 
of him. She said she had often dreamed about him, and 
begged me, if I should see him either in Bambarra, or in 
my own country, to tell him that his mother and sister were 
still alive. In the afternoon the Dooty examined the con- 
tents of the leather bag in which I had packed up my clothes, 
but finding nothing that was worth taking, he returned it, 
and told me to depart in the morning. 

July 6th. It rained very much in the night, and at day- 



INTERIOR OF AFRICA. 



143 



light I departed in company with a Negro, who was going 
to a town called Dingyee for corn ; but we had not proceed- 
ed above a mile, before the ass upon which he rode kicked 
him off, and he returned, leaving me to prosecute the jour- 
ney by myself. 

I reached Dingyee about noon, but the Dooty and most 
of the inhabitants had gone into the fields to cultivate corn. 
An old Foulah observing me wandering about the town, de- 
sired me to come to his hut, where I was well entertained ; 
and the Dooty, when he returned, sent me some victuals for 
myself, and corn for my horse. 

July 7th. In the morning when I was about to depart, 
my landlord, with a great deal of diffidence, begged me to 
give him a lock of my hair. He had been told, he said, that 
white men's hair made a saphie, that would give to the pos- 
sessor all the knowledge of white men. I had never be- 
fore heard of so simple a mode of education, but instantly 
complied with the request, and my landlord's thirst for learn- 
ing was such, that, with cutting and pulling, he cropped 
one side of my head pretty closely ; and would have done 
the same with the other, had I not signified my disappro- 
bation, by putting on my hat, and assuring him, that I wish- 
ed to reserve some of this precious merchandize for a fu- 
ture occasion. 

I reached a small town called Wassiboo about twelve 
o'clock, where I was obliged to stop, until an opportunity 
should offer of procuring a guide to Satile, which is distant 
a very long day's journey, through woods without any beat- 
en path. I accordingly took up my residence at the Dooty's 
house, .where I staid four days ; during which time I amu- 
sed myself, by going to the fields with the family to plant 
corn. Cultivation is carried on here on a very extensive 
scale, and, as the natives themselves express it, " hunger 
is never known/* In cultivating the soil the men and wo- 
men work together. They use a large sharp paddle, much 
superior to the paddle used in Gambia ; but they are obliged, 
for fear of the Moors, to carry their arms with them to the, 
field. The master, with the handle of his spear, marks the 
field into regular plats, one of which is assigned to every 
three slaves. 

On the evening of the 11th, eight of the fugitive Kaar- 
tans arrived at Wassibo. They had found it impossible to 
live under the tyrannical government of the Moors, and were 



H4 



TRAVELS IN THE 



now going to tranfer their allegiance to the king of Bam- 
barra. They offered to take me along with them as far as 
Satile, and I accepted the offer. 

July 12th. .it daybrt^k we set out, and travelled with 
uncommon expedition until sunset ; we stopped only twice in 
the course of the day, once at a watering-place in the woods, 
and another time at the ruins of a town, formerly belonging 
to Daisy, called Illa-Comfie, the corn town. When we ar- 
rived in the neighbourhood of Satile, the people, who were 
employed in the corn fields, seeing so many horsemen, 
took us for a party of Moors, and ran screaming away from 
us. The whole town was instantly alarmed, and the slaves 
were seen in every direction, driving the cattle and horses 
towards the town. It was in vain that one of our company 
galloped up to undeceive them, it only frightened them 
the more, and when we arrived at the town we found the 
gates shut, and the people all under arms. After a long par- 
ley we were permitted to enter, and as there was every ap- 
pearance of a heavy tornado, the Dooty allowed us to sleep 
in his baloon, and give us each a bullock's hide for a bed. 

July 13th. Early in the morning we again set forward. 
The roads were wet and slippery, but the country was very 
beautiful, abounding with rivulets, which were increased by 
the rain into rapid streams. About ten o'clock we came to 
the ruins of a village, which had been destroyed by war 
about six months before ; and in order to prevent any town 
from being built there in future, the large Bentang tree, un- 
der which the natives spent the day, had been burnt down, 
the wells filled up, and every thing that cculd make the spot 
desirable, completely destroyed. 

About noon nay horse was so much fatigued, that I could 
not keep up with my companions ; I therefore dismounted, 
and desired them to ride on, telling them that I would fol- 
low as soon as my horse had rested a little. But I found 
them un willing to leave me ; the lions, they said, were very 
numerous in those parts, and though they might not so read- 
ily attack a body of people, they would soon find out an indi- 
vidual ; it was therefore agreed, that one of the company 
should stay with me to assist in driving my borse, while the 
others passed on to Galloo, to procure lodgings, and collect 
grass for the horses before night. Accompanied by this 
worthy Negro, I drove my horse before me until about four 
'o'clock ? when we --came m sight of Galloo, considerable 



INTERIOR OF AFRICA. 146 

town, standing in a fertile and beautiful valley surrounded 
with high rocks. 

\ rny companions had thoughts of settling in this neigh- 
bourhood, they had a fine sheep given them by the Dooly, 
and I was fortunate enough to procure plenty of coi n for 
my iiu . se. Here they blow upon elephant's teeth when 
they announce evening prayers, in the same manner as at 
Ke mmoo. 

E^riy next morning, July 14th, having first returned 
many thanks -o cur landlord for lus hospitality, while my 
fellow-travellers offereo up their prayers thai he n ight 
never wam, we set forward, and about three o'clock arrived 
at Moorja, a large town famous for its trade in salt, which 
the Moors bring here in great quantities, to exchange for 
corn and cotton-cloth. As most of the people here arc Ma- 
homedans, it is not allowed to the Kafirs to drink beer, 
which they call jYeo-dollo (corn spirit) except in curtain 
houses. In one of these 1 saw about twenty people sitting 
round large vessels of this beer, with the greatest convivial- 
ity ; many of them in a state of intoxication. As corn is 
plentiful, the inhabitants are very liberal to strangers : I be- 
lieve vve had as much corn and milk sent us by differ- 
ent people, as would have been sufficient for three times our 
number; and though we remained here two days, we expe- 
rienced no dimiuntionof their hospitality 

On the morning of the 16th we again set forward , accom- 
panied by a cofHe of fourteen asses loaded with salt, bound 
for ^ansanding. The road was particularly romantic be- 
tween two rocky hills ; but the Moors sometimes lie in 
wait here to plunder strangers As soon as we had reached 
the open country, the master of the salt cotrle thanked us for 
having staid with him so long, and now desired us to ride on* 
The sun was almost set before we reached Datliboo. In the 
evening we had a most tremendous tornado. The house in 
which vve lodged being fiat roofed, admitted the rain in 
streams ; the fiopr was soon ankle deep, the fire extinguish- 
ed, and we were left to pass the night upon some bundles of 
fire-wood, that happene-d to lie in a corner. 

July 17th. We departed from Datlibco, and about ten 
o'clock passed a large coiHe returning from Sego, with corn^ 
paddles, mats, and other household utensils. At five o'clock 
we cams to a large village, where we intended to pass the 
night- but the Dootv would not receive us. When we £e- 

N 



146 



TRAVELS IN THE 



parted from this place, my horse was so much fatigued, that 
I Was under the necessity of driving him, and it was dark be- 
fore we reached Ffcnitriboo, a small village ; the Dooty of 
which no sooner heard that I was a white man, than he bro't 
out three olci muskets, and was much disappointed when he 
was told that I could not repair them. 

July 18th. We continued our journey ; but, owing to a 
light supper the preceding night, we felt ourselves rather 
hungry tiiis morning, and endeavored to procure some corn 
at u village, but without success. The towns were now more 
numerous, and the land that is not employed in cultivation, 
affords excellent pasturage for large herds of cattle ; but 
owing to the great concourse of people daily going to, and 
returning from Sego, the inhabitants are less hospitable to 
strangers. 

My horse becoming weaker and weaker every day was 
now of very little service to me ; I was obliged to drive him 
before me for the greater part of the day, and did not reach 
Geosorro until eight o'clock in the evening. I found my 
companions wrangling with the Dooty, who had absolutely 
refused to give or sell them any provisions, and as none of 
us had tasted victuals for the last twenty-four hours, we were 
by no means disposed to fast another day, if we could help 
it: But finding our entreaties without effect, and being very 
much fatigued, I fell asleep, from which I was awakened 
about midnight, with the joyful information " kinne-nuta^ 
the victuals are come. This made the remainder of the night 
pass away pleasantly, and at day-break, July i9tb, we resum- 
ed our journey, proposing to stop at a village called Doolin- 
keaboo, for the night following. My fellow travellers hav- 
ing better horses than myself, soon left me, and I was walk- 
ing barefoot, driving my horse, when I was met by a ccflle 
of slaves, about seventy in number, coming from Sego — 
They were tied together by their necks with thongs of a 
bullock's hide twisted like a rope, seven slaves upon a thong 
and a man with a musket between every seven Many of 
the slaves w T ere ill-conditioned, and a great number of them 
women. In the rear, came Sidi Mahomed's servant, whom 
I remembered to have seen at the camp of Benowm ; he pres- 
ently knew me, and told me that these slaves were going to 
"Morocco by the way of Ludamar and the Great Desert. , 

In the afternoon, as I approached Doolinkeaboo, I met 
^bout twenty Moors on horseback) the owners of the slaver. 



INTERIOR OF AFRICA. 



I had seen in the morning ; they were well armed with mus- 
kets, and very inquisitive concerning me, but not so rude as 
their countrymen generally are. From them I learned 
that Sadi Mahomed was not at Sego, but had gone to 
Cancaba for gold dust. 

When I arrived at Doolinkeaboo, I was informed that my 
fellow travellers had gone on ; but my horse was so much 
fatigued that I could not possibly proceed after them. The 
Dooty ofthe town, at my request, gave me a draught of wa- 
ter, which is generally looked upon as an earnest of. greater 
hospitality, and I had no doubt of making up for the toils of 
the day, by a good supper and a sound sleep ; unfortunate- 
ly, I had neither the one nor the other. The night was 
rainy and tempestuous, and the Dooty limited his hospitali- 
ty to the draught of water. 

July 20th. In the morning I endeavoured, both by en- 
treaties and threats, to procure some victuals from the Doo- 
ty, but in vain. I even begged some corn from one of his 
female slaves, as she was washing it at the well, and had the 
mortification to be refused. However, when the Dooty was 
gone to the fields, his wife sent me a handful of meal, which 
I mixed with water, and drank for breakfast. About eight 
o'clock I departed from Doolinkeaboo, and at noon stopped 
a few minutes at a large Korree, where I had some milk 
given me by the Foulahs ; and hearing that two Negroes 
were going from thence to Sego, I was happy to have their 
company, and we set out immediately. About four o'clock 
we stopped at a small village, where one of the Negroes 
met with an acquaintance, who invited us to a sort of public 
entertainment, which was conducted with more than com- 
mon propriety. A dish made of sour milk and meal, called 
Sinkatooy and beer made from their corn, was distributed 
with great liberality ; and the women were admitted into 
the society, a circumstance I had never before observed in 
Africa. There was no compulsion, every one was at liber- 
ty to drink as he pleased ; they nodded to each other when 
about to drink, and on setting down the calabash, commonly- 
said berka (thank you.) Both men and women appeared to 
be somewhat intoxicated, but they were far from being 
quarrelsome. 

Departing from thence, we passed several large villages, 
where I was constantly taken for a Moor, and became the 
subject of much merriment to the Bambarrans, who seeing 



148 



TRAVELS IN THE 



me drive my horse before mc, laughed heartily at rny ap* 
pearancc. — lie has been at Mecca says one, you may see 
that by his clothes ; another asked me if my horse was sick ; 
a third wished to purchase it, &c. so that I believe the very 
slaves were ashamed to be seen in my company. Just be- 
fore it was dark we took up our lodging for the night at a 
small village, where I procured some victuals for myself, 
and some corn for my horse, at the moderate price of a but- 
ton, and was told, that I should see the Niger, which the 
Negroes called Joliba, or the great water, early the next 
day. The lions are here very numerous ; the gates are 
shut a little after sun-set, and nobody allowed to go out— 
The thoughts of seeing the Niger in the morning, anc the 
troublesome buzzing of musketoes, prevented me from shut- 
ting my eyes during the night, and I had saddled my horse 
and was in readiness before day-light ; but on account of 
the wild beasts, we were obliged to wait until the people 
\vere stirring, and the gates opened. This happenea to be 
a market-day at Sego, and the roads were every where fill- 
ed with people, carrying different articles to sell. We pass- 
ed four large villages, and at eight o'clock saw the smoke 
over Sego. 

As we approached the town, I was fortunate enough ta 
overtake the fugitive Kaartans, to whose kindness I had been 
so much indebted in my journey through Bambarra. They 
readily agreed to introduce me to the king ; and we rode 
together through some marshy ground, where, as I was 
anxiously looking around for the river, one of them called 
out, geo affilli (see the water) and looking forwards, I saw 
with infinite pleasure the great object of my mission ; the 
long sought for, majestic Niger, glittering to the morning 
sun, as broad as the Thames at Westminster, and flowing 
slowly to the eastward. I hastened to the brink, and hav- 
ing drank of the water, lifted up my fervent thanks in pray- 
er to the Great Ruler of all things, for having thus far crown- 
ed my endeavours with success 

The circumstance of the Niger's flowing tow r ards the east, 
and its collateral points, did not, however, excite my sur- 
prise ; for although I had left Europe in great hesitation 
on the subject, and rather believed that it ran in the contra- 
ry direction, I had made such frequent enquiries during my 
progress, concerning this river, and received from Negroes 
of different nations such clear and decisive assurances; that 



INTERIOR OF AFRICA. 



149 



its general course was towards the rising sun, as scarce left 
any doubt on my mind ; and more especially, as I knew 
that Major Houghton had collected similar information in 
the same manner. 

Sego, the capital of Bambarra, at which I had now arriv- 
ed, consists, properly speaking, of four distinct towns; two 
on the northern bank of the Niger, called Sego Korro, and 
Sego Boo ; and two on the southern bank, called Sego Soo 
Korro, and Sego See Korro. They are all surrounded with 
high mud-walls ; the houses are built of clay of a square 
form, with flat roofs ; some of them have two stories, and 
many of them are whitewashed. Besides these buildings-, 
Moorish mosques are seen in every quarter, and the streets 
though narrow, are broard enough for every useful purpose, 
in a country where wheel carriages are entirely unknown, 
From the best inquiries I could make, I have reason to be- 
lieve, that Sego contains altogether, about thirty thousand 
inhabitants. The king of Bambarra constantly resides at 
Sego See Korro ; he employs a great many slaves in con- 
veying people over the river, and the money they receive, 
though the fare is only ten Kowrie shells for each individu- 
al, furnishes a considerable revenue to the king in the 
course of a year. The canoes are of a singular construc- 
tion, each of them being formed of the trunks of two large 
trees, rendered convave, and joined together, not side by 
side, but end ways, the junction being exactly across the 
middle of the canoe ; they are therefore very long, and dis- 
proportionably narrow, and have neither decks nor musts ; 
they are however very roomy, fori observed in one of them 
four horses and several people crossing over the river. 
When we arrived at this ferry, we found a great number 
waiting for a passage ; they looked at me with silent won- 
der, and I distinguished, with concern, many Moors among 
them. There were three different places of embarkation, 
and the ferrymen were very diligent and expeditious, but 
from the crowd of people, I could not immediately obtain 
a passage, and sat down upon the bank of the river, to wait 
for a more favourable opportunity. The view of this ex- 
tensive city ; the numerous canoes upon the river ; the 
crowded population, and the cultivated state of the sur- 
rounding country, formed altogether a prospect of civiliza- 
tion and magnificence, which I little expected to find in tho 
bosom of Africa, 

N 2 



150 



TRAVELS IN THE 



I waited more than two hours without having an opportu*- 
nity of crossing the river ; during which time the people 
who had crossed, carried information to Mansong the king, 
that a white man was waiting for a passage, and was com- 
ing to see him. He immediately sent over one of his chief 
men, who informed me that the king could not possibly see 
me, until he knew what had brought me into his country, 
and that I must not presume to cross the river without the 
king's permission. He therefore advised me to lodge at a 
distant village, to which he pointed, for the night ; and said? 
that in the morning he would give me further instructions 
how to conduct myself. This was very discouraging. 
However, as there was no remedy, I setoff for the village ; 
tyhere I found, to my great mortification, that no person 
would admit me into his house. I was regarded with as- 
tonishment and fear, and was obliged to sit all day without 
victuals in the shade of a, tree ; and the night threatened to 
be very uncomfortable, for the wind rose, and there was 
great appearance of a heavy rain ; and the wild beasts are so 
very numerous in the neighbourhood, that I should have 
been under the necessity of climbing up the tree, and rest- 
ing amongst the branches : About sunset however, as I was 
preparing to pass the night in this manner, and had turned 
roy horse loose that he might graze at liberty, a woman, re- 
turning from the labours of the field, stopped to observe me, 
and perceiving that I was weary and dejected, inquired 
into my situation, which I briefly explained to her ; where- 
upon, with looks of great compassion, she took up my sad- 
dle and briciie, and told me to follow her. Having conduct- 
ed me into her \uu she lighted up a lamp, spread a mat on 
the floor, and told me I might remain there for the night. 
Finding that I was very hungry, she said she would procure 
me something to tat. She accordingly went out, and re- 
turned in a short time with a very fine fish, which, having 
caused to be half broiled upon some embers* she gave me 
for supper. The rites of hospitality being thus performed 
towards a stranger in distress, my worthy benefactress, 
pointing to the mat, and telling me T might sleep there with- 
out apprehension, called to the female part of her family, 
who had stood gazing on me all the while in fixed astonish- 
m entj to resume their task of spinning cotton,in which they 
continued to employ themselves great part of the night. 
Ti.ey lightened their labour by songs, one of which was com- 
posed extempore, for T was myself the subject ©fit. It was 



INTERIOR OF AFRICA. 



15 i 



sung by one of the young women, the rest joining in a sort 
of chorus: The air was sweet and plaintive, and the word*, 
literally translated, were these. u The winds roared, and 
" the rains fell : — .The poor white man, faint and weary, 
« came and sat under our tree. — He has no mother to bring 
" him milk m t no wife to grind his corn. Chorus ^ Let 
" us pity the white man ; no mother has he, See. Sec." Trif- 
ling as this recital may appear to the reader, to a person in 
my situation, the circumstance was affecting in the highest 
degree. I was oppressed by such unexpected kindness, 
and sleep fled from my eyes, in the morning I presented 
my compassionate landlady with two of the four brass but- 
tons which remained on my waistcoat, the only recompence 
I could make her. 

July 2 1st. 1 continued in the village all this day in con- 
versation witn the natives, who came in crowds to see me ; 
but was rather uneasy towards evening, to find that no mes- 
sage had arrived from the king ; the more so, as the peo- 
ple began to whisper, that Mansong had received some very 
unfavourable accounts of me, from the Moors and Slatees 
residing at Sego ; who, it seems, were exceedingly suspi- 
cious concerning the motives of my journey. I learnt, that 
many consultations had been held with the king, concerning 
my reception and disposal ; and some of the villagers frank- 
ly told me, that I had many enemies, and must expect no 
favour. 

July 22d. About eleven o'clock a messenger arrived from 
the king, but he gave me very little satisfaction. He in- 
quired pai'ticularly if I had brought any present, and seemed 
much disappointed when he was told that I had been robbed 
of every thing by the Moors. When I proposed to go along 
with him, he told me to stop until the afternoon, when the 
king would send for me. 

July 23d In the afternoon another messenger arrived- 
from Mansong, with a bag in his hands, He told me it was 
the king's pleasure, that I should depart forthwith from the 
vicinage of Sego ; but that Mansong, wishing to relieve a 
white man in distress, had sent me five thousand Kowries,* 

* Mention has already been made of these little shells which pass 
current as money, in many parts of the East Indies, as well as Africa. 
In Bambarra, and the adjacent countries, where the necessaries of 
life are very cheap, one hundred of them would commonly purchase 
a day's provisions for myself, and corn for my horse. I reckoned afccilt 
two hundred and fifty Kowries casual to one shilling. 



152 



TRAVELS IN THE 



to enable me to purchase provisions in the course of my jour- 
ney; the messenger added, that if my intentions w^rt re- 
ally to proceed to Jenne, he had orders to accompany me as 
a guide to Sansanding. I was at first puzzled to account 
for this behaviour of the king; but from the conversation I 
had with the gui :e, 1 had afterward reason to believe, that 
Mansong would willingly have admitted me into his pre- 
sence at Sego, but was apprehensive he might not be able 
to protect me, against the blind and inveterate malice of the 
Moorish inhabitants. His conduct, therefore, was at once 
prudent and liberal. The circumstances under which I 
made my appearance at Sego, were undoubted such as might 
create in the mind of the king, a well warranted suspicion, 
that I wished to conceal the true object of my journey. He 
argued, probably, as my guide argued ; who, when he was 
told, that I had come from a great distance, and through 
many dangers, to behold the Joliba river, naturally inquir- 
ed, if there were no rivers in my own country, and whether 
one river was not like another. Notwithstanding this, and 
in spite of the jealous machinations of the Moors, this bene- 
volent prince thought it sufficient, that a white man was 
found in his dominions, in a condition of extreme wretched- 
ness ; and that no other plea was necessary to entitle the 
sufferer to his bounty. 



INTERIOR OF AFRICA. 



15$ 



CHAPTER XVI. 

Departure from Sego and arrival at Kabba. Description of 
the Shta or vegetable butter-tree Arrives at Sansand- 
ing. Behaviour of the Moors at that place. Pursues his 
journey East. Incidents on the road. Arrives at Mo~ 
diboo, and proceeds for Kea, but is obliged to leave his 
horse by the way. Embarks at Kea in a fisherman' 's ca~ 
noe for Moorzan ; is conveyed from thence across the 
Niger to Silla. Account of the Niger, and the towns in 
its vicinage^ <S>c. 

Being, in the manner that has been related, compelled 
to leave Sego, I was conducted the same evening to a vil- 
lage about seven miles to the eastward, with some of the 
inhabitants of which my guide was acquainted, and by whom 
we were well received.* He was very friendly and com- 
municative, and spoke highly of the hospitality of his coun- 
trymen ; but withal told me, that if Jenne was the place of 
my destination, which he seemed to have hitherto doubtedj 
I had undertaken an enterprize of greater danger than prob- 
ably I was apprized of ; for although the town of Jenne was, 
nominally, a part of the king of Bambarra's dominions, it 
was in fact, he said, a city of the Moors, the leading part of 
the inhabitants being Bushreens, and even the governor 
himself, though appointed by Mansong, of the same sect.— - 
Thus was I in danger of falling a second time in the hands 
of men, who would consider it not only justifiable, but mer- 
itorious, to destroy me ; and this reflection was aggravated 
by the circumstance, that the danger encreased as I advanc- 
ed in my journey ; for I learned, that the places beyond 
Jenne were under the Moorish influence, in a still greater 
degree than Jenne itself ; and Tombuctoo, the great object 
of my search, altogether in possession of that savage and 
merciless people, who allow no Christians to live there.— 
But I had now advanced too far to think of returning to 
the westward on such vague and uncertain information, and 
determined to proceed ; and being accompanied by the 
guide, I departed from the village on the morning of the 
24th. About eight o'clock we passed a large town called 
Kabba, situated in the midst of a beautiful and highly culti- 

* I should have before observed, that I found the language of I>\m- 
harra a sort of corrupted Maud in ^o.. After a little practice I under- 
stood and spoke it without difficulty, 



154 TRAVELS IN THE 

vated country, bearing a greater resemblance to the center 
of England, than to what I should have supposed had been 
in the middle of Africa. The people were every where em- 
ployed in collecting the fruit of the Shea trees, from which 
they prepare the vegetable butter, mentioned in former 
parts of this work. These trees grow in great abundance 
all over this part of Bambarra : They are not planted by the 
natives, but are found growing naturally in the woods, and 
in clearing woodland for cultivation, every tree is cut down 
but the Shea. The tree itself very much resembles the 
American oak, and the fruit, from the kernel of which, be- 
ing first dried in the sun, the butter is prepared, by boiling 
the kernel in water, has somewhat the appearance of a Span- 
ish olive. The kernel is enveloped in a sweet pulp under 
a thin green rind, and the butter produced f om it, besides 
the advantage of its keeping the whole year without salt, i3 
"whiter, firmer, and to my palate, of a richer flavour, than 
the best butter I ever tasted made from cow's milk. The 
growth and preparation of this commodity, seem to 
be among the first objects of African industry in this and 
the neighbouring states, and it constitutes a main article of 
their inland commerce. 

We passed, in the course of the day, a great many villages 
inhabited chiefly by fishermen, and in the evening about 
live o'clock arrived at -ansanding, a very large town, con- 
taining, as I was told, from eight to ten thousand inhabitants. 
This place is much resorted to by the Moors, who bring 
salt from Beeroo, and beads and coral from the Mediterra- 
nean, to exchange here for gold dust and cotton cloth.— 
This cloth they sell to great advantage in Beeroo and other 
Moorish countries, where, on account of the rain, no cotton 
is cultivated. 

I desired my guide to conduct me to the house in which 
we were to lodge, by the most private way possible. We 
accordingly rode along between the town and the river, 
passing by a creek or harbour, in which I observed twenty 
large canoes, most of them fully loaded, and covered with 
mats to prevent the rsin from injuring the goods. As we 
proceeded, three other canoes arrived, two with passengers, 
and one with goods I was happy to find that all the Negro 
inhabitants took me for a Moor ; under which character I 
should probably have passed unmolested, had not a Moor, 
who was. sitting by the river side, discovered the mistake, 



INTERIOR OF AFRICA. 



155 



and setting up a loud exclamation, brought together a num- 
ber of his countrymen. 

When I arrived at the house of Counti Mamadi, the Doo- 
ty of the town, I was surrounded with hundreds of people, 
3peaking a variety of different dialects, all equally unintelli- 
gible to me. At length, by the assistance of my guide, who 
acted as interpreter, I understood that one of the specta- 
tors pretended to have seen me at one place, and another at 
some other place ; and a Moorish woman absolutely swore, 
that she had kept my house three years at Gallam on the 
river Senegal. It was plain that they mistook me for some 
other person, and I desired two of the most confident, to 
point towards the place where they had seen me. They 
pointed due south ; hence I think it probable that they came 
from Cape Coast, where they might have seen many white 
men. Their language was different from any I had yet 
heard. The Moors now assembled in great numbers, with 
their usual arrogance, compelling the Negroes to stand at a 
distance. They immediately began to question me con- 
cerning my religion ; but finding that I was not master of 
the Arabic, they sent for two men, whom they called IlhuU 
di (Jews) in hopes that they might be able to converse with 
me T-hese Jews, in dress and appearance, very much re- 
semble the Arabs ; but though they so far conform to the 
religion of Mahomet, as to recite in pubiic, prayers from 
the Koran* they are but little respected by the Negroes ; 
tmd even the Moors themselves allowed, that though f was 
a Christian, I was a better man than a Jew. They however in- 
sisted, that like the Jews, I must conform so far, as to repeat 
the Mahomedan prayers ; and when 1 attempted to wave the 
subject, by telling them tnat f could not speak Arabic, one 
of them, a Shereef from Tuat in the Great Desert, started 
up, and swore by the Prophet, that if 1 refused to go to the 
mosque, he would be one that would assist in carrying me 
thither ; and there is no doubt but this threat would have 
been immediately executed, had not my landlord interposed 
in my behalf. He told them, that I was the King's stranger, 
and he could not see me ill treated, whilst I was under his 
protection. He therefore advised them to let me alone for 
the night, assuring them, that in the morning, I should be 
sent .bout my business This somewhat appeased their 
el amour ; but they compelled me to ascend a high seat, by 
tht dooj" of the mosque, in order that every body might see 



TRAVELS IN THE 



me ; for the people had assembled in such numbers as to be 
quite ungovernable, climbing upon the houses, and squeez- 
ing each other like the spectators at an execution. Upon 
this seat : remained until sun-set, when i was conducted in- 
to a neat little hut with a small court before it, the door of 
which Count! Mamadi shut, to prevent any person from dis- 
turbing me. But this precaution couid not exclude the 
Moors. They climbej over the top of the mud-wail, and 
came in crowds into the court, in order, they said, to see me 
perform my evening devotions, and eat eggs. Tne former of 
these ceremonies did not think proper to comply with ; 
but : told them I had no objection to eat eggs, provided they 
would bring the eggs to eat My landlord immediately 
brought me seven hen's eggs, and was much surprised to 
finci that could not eat them raw ; for it seems to be a prev- 
alent opinion among the inhabitants of the interior, that Eu- 
ropeans subsist almost entirely on this diet. When - had 
succeeded ill persuading my landlord, that this opinion was 
without foundation, and that would gladly partake of any 
victuals, which he might think proper to send me, he order- 
ed a sheep to be killed, and part of it to be dressed for my 
supper. About midnight, when the Moors had left me, he 
paid me a visit, and with much earnestness, desired me to 
write measaphie. " If a Moor's saphie is good," said this 
hospitable old man, " a white man's must needs be better." 
I readily furnished him with one, possessed of all the virtues 
I could concentrate, for it contained the Lord's Prayer. The 
pen with which it was written, was made of a reed ; a 
little charcoal and gum-water made very tolerable ink, and 
a thin board answered the purpose of paper. 

July 25th. Early in the morning, before the Moors were 
assembled I departed from Sansanding, and slept the ensuing 
night at a small town called Sibili ; from whence, on the day 
following, I reached Nyara, a large town at some distance 
from the river, where I halted the 27th, to have my clothes 
washed, and recruit my horse. T e Dooty there has a very 
commodious house, flat roofed, and two stories high He 
shewed me some gun-powder of his own manufacturing ; 
and pointed out as a great curiosity, a little brown monkey, 
that was tied to a stake by the door, telling me, that it came 
from a far distant country, called Kong. 

July 28th. I departed from Nyara, and reached Nyamee 
gtottt nocn. This town is inhabited chiefly by Foulahs from 



INTERIOR OF AFRICA. 



157 



the kingdom of Masina. The Dooty, I knew not why, 
would not receive me, but civilly sent his son on horseback 
to conduct me to Modiboo, which he assured me was at no 
great distance. 

We rode nearly in a direct line through the woods, but 
in general went forwards with great circumspection. I ob- 
served that my guide frequently stopped and looked under 
the bushes. On inquiring the reason of this caution, he 
told me, that lions were very numerous in that part of the 
country, and frequently attacked people travelling through 
the woods. While he was speaking, my horse started, and 
looking round, I observed a large animal of the cameleop- 
ard kind, standing at a little distance. The neck and fore 
legs were very long ; the head was furnished with two 
short black horns turning backwards ; the tail, which reach- 
ed down to the ham joint, had a tuft of hair at the end : — 
The animal was of a mouse colour, and it trotted away from 
us in a very sluggish manner, moving its head from side to 
side, to see if we were pursuing it. Shortly after this, as 
we vvere crossing a large open plain, where there were a 
few scattered bushes, my guide, who was a little way before 
me, wheeled his horse round in a moment, calling out some- 
thing in the Foulah language, which I did not understand. 
1 inquired in Mandingo what he meant ; Wara billi billi (a 
very large lion) said he, and made signs for me to ride 
away. But my horse was too much fatigued ; so we rode 
slowly past the bush from which the animal had given us 
the ahrm Not seeing any thing myself, however, I thought 
my guide had been mistaken, when the Foulah suddenly 
put his hand to his mouth, exclaiming, Soubah an allahi, 
(God pre serve us !) and to my great surprise, I then per- 
ceived a large red lion at i\ short distance from the bush, 
with his cad crouched between his fore paws. I expected 
he would instantly spring upon me, and instinctively pulled 
my feet from my stirrups, to throw myself on the ground, 
that my horse might become the victim, rather than myself. 
But it is probable the lion was not hungry, for he quietly 
suffered us to pass, though we were fairly within his reach. 
My eyes were so rivetted upon this sovereign of beasts, that 
I found it im possible to remove them until we were at a con- 
siderable distance. -Ve now took a circuitous route through 
some swampy ground, to avoid any more of these disagree- 
able rencounters. At sun-set we arrived at Modiboo> adc- 

O 



TRAVELS IN THE 



lightful village on the banks of the Niger, commanding a 
view of the river for many miles, both to the east and west. 
The small green islands, the peaceful retreat of some indus- 
trious Foulahs, whose cattle are here secure from the dep- 
redations of wild beasts, and the majestic breadth of the riv- 
er, which is here much larger than at Sego, renders the sit- 
uation one of the most enchanting in the world. Here are 
caught great plenty of fish, by means of long cotton nets, 
which the natives make themselves, and use nearly in the 
same manner as nets are used in Europe. I observed the 
head of a crocodile lying upon one of the houses, which they 
told me had been killed by the shepherds in a swamp near 
the town. These animals are not uncommon in the Niger, 
but I believe they are not oftentimes found dangerous — 
They are of little account to the traveller, when com- 
pared with the amazing swarms of musketoes which rise 
from the swamps and creeks in such numbers, as to harass 
even the most torpid of the natives ; and as my clothes were 
now almost worn to rags, I was but ill prepared to resist their 
attacks. I usually passed the night without shutting my 
eyes, walking backwards and forwards, fanning myself with 
my hat ; their stings raised numerous blisters on my legs 
and arms ; which, together with the want of rest, made me 
Very feverish and uneasy 

July 29th. Early in the morning, my landlord observing 
that I was sickly, hurried me away, sending a servant with 
me as a guide to Kea. But though I was little able to walk, 
my horse was still less able to carry me, and about six miles 
to the east of Modiboo,in crossing some rough clayey ground* 
he fell, and the united strength of the guide and myself, 
could not place him again upon his legs. I sat down for 
some time beside this worn-out associate of my adventures ; 
but finding him still unable to rise, I took off the saddle and 
bridle, and placed a quantity of grass before him. I survey* 
ed the poor animal, as he lay panting on the ground, with 
sympathetic emotion ; for I could not suppress the sad ap- 
prehension, that I should, myself, in a short time, lie down 
and perish in the same manner, of fatigue and hunger. — 
With this foreboding, I left my poor horse, and with great 
reluctance followed my guide on foot along the bank of the 
river, until about noon, when we reached Kea, which 1 found 
to be nothing more than a small fishing village The Boo- 
ty, a surljr old man ; who was sitting by the gate, received 



INTERIOR OF AFRICA. 



159 



me very cooly ; and when I informed him of my situation, 
and begged his protection, told me, with great indifference, 
that he paid very little attention to fine speeches, and that I 
should not enter his house. My guide remonstrated in my 
favour, but to no purpose, for the Dooty remained inflexible 
in his determination. I knew not where to rest my wearied 
limbs, but was happily relieved by a fishing canoe belong- 
ing to Silla, which was at that moment coming down, the 
river. The Dooty waved to the fisherman to come near, 
and desired him to take charge of me as far as Moorzan.— 
The fisherman, after some hesitation, consented to carry 
me, and I embarked in the canoe, in company with the fish- 
erman, his wife, and a boy. The Negro who had conduct- 
ed me from Modiboo, now left me ; I requested him to look 
to my horse on his return, and take care of him if he was 
still alive, which he promised to do. 

Departing from Kea, we proceeded about a mile down the 
river, when the fisherman paddled the canoe to the bank, and 
desired me to jump out. Having tied the canoe to a stake, 
he stripped off his clothes, and dived for such a length of 
time, that I thought he had actually drowned himself, and 
was surprised to see his wife behave with so much indiffer- 
ence upon the occasion ; but my fears were over when he 
raised up his head astern of the canoe, and called for a rope. 
With this rope he dived a second time, and then got into the 
canoe, and ordered the boy to assist him in pulling. At length 
they brought up a large basket, about ten feet in diameter, 
containing two fine fish, which the fisherman, after return- 
ing the basket into the water, immediately carried ashore 
and hid in the grass. We then went a little farther down 
and took up another basket, in which was one fish. The 
fisherman now left us to carry his prizes to some neighbor- 
ing market ; and the woman and boy proceeded with me in 
the canoe down the river. 

About four o'clock we arrived at Moorzan, a fishing town 
on the northern bank, from whence I was conveyed across 
the river to Silla, a large town, where I remained until it 
was quite dark, under a tree surrounded by hundreds of peo- 
ple. But their language was very different from the other 
parts of Bambarra ; and I was informed, that in my prog- 
ress eastward, the Bambarra tongue was but little under- 
stood, and that when I reached Jenne, I should find that the 
majority of the inhabitants spoke a different language, call- 



160 



TRAVELS IN THE 



ed Jenne Kummo, by the Negroes, and Kalam Soudon,by the 
Moors. 

With a great deal of entreaty, the Dooty allowed me to 
( ome into his saloon to avoid the rain ; but the place was 
very damp, and I had a smart paroxysm of fever during the 
night. Worn down by sickness, exhausted with hunger and 
fatigue ; half naked, and without any article of value, by 
which I might procure provisions, clothes, or lodging, I be- 
gan to reflect seriously on my situation. I was now con- 
vinced, by painful experience, that the obstacles to my fur- 
ther progress were insurmountable. The tropical rains 
were already set in with all their violence ; the rice grounds 
and swamps were every where overflowed, and in a few days 
more, travelling of every kind, unless by water, would be 
completely obstructed. The Kowries which remained of 
the King of Bambarra's present, were not sufficient lo ena- 
ble me to hire a canoe for any great distance, and I had but 
little hopes of subsisting by charity, in a country where the 
Moors have such influence. But above all, I perceived, 
that I was advancing more and more within the power of 
those merciless fanatics ; and from my reception both at 
Sego and Sansanding, I was apprehensive, that in attempt- 
ing to reach even Jenne, unless under the protection of 
some man of consequence amongst them, which I had no 
means of obtaining, I should sacrifice my life to no purpose, 
for my discoveries would perish with me. The prospect 
cither way was gloomy. In returning to the Gambia, a jour- 
ney on foot of many hundred miles presented itself to my 
contemplation, through regions and countries unknown. — 
Nevertheless, this seemed to be the only alternative, for I 
saw inevitable destruction in attempting to proceed to the 
eastward, With this conviction on my mind, I hope my 
readers will acknowledge, that I did right in going no far- 
:hcr. I had made every effort to execute my mission in its 
fullest extent, which prudence could justify. Had there 
been the most distant prospect of a successful termination, 
neither the unavoidable hardships of the journey, nor the 
dangers of a second captivity, should have forced me to de- 
sist. Tiiis, however, necessity compelled me to do ; and, 
whatever may be the opinion of my general readers on this 
point, it affords me inexpressible satisfaction, that my hon- 
ourable employers have been pleased, since my return, to 
ress thtir full approbation of my conduct. 



INTERIOR OF AFRICA. 



161 



Having thus brought my mind, after much doubt and per- 
plexity, to a determination to return westward, I thought it 
incumbent on me, before I left Silla, to collect from the 
Moorish and Negro traders, all the information I could con- 
cerning the further course of the Niger eastward, and the 
situation and extent of the kingdoms in its vicinage ; and 
the following few notices I received from such various quar- 
ters, as induce me to think they are authentic. 

Two short days' journey to the eastward of Silla, is the 
town of Jenne, which is situated on a small island in the riv- 
er, and is said to contain a greater number, of inhabitants than 
Sego itself, or any other town in Bambarra. At the distance 
of two days more, the river spreads into a considerable lake, 
called Diddie (or the dark lake) concerning the extent of 
which, all the information I could obtain was, that in cross- 
ing it from west to east, the canoes lose sight of land one 
whole day. From this lake the water issues in many differ- 
ent streams, which terminate in two large branches, one 
whereof flows towards the north-east, and the other to the 
east ; but these branches join at Kabra, which is one day's 
journey to the southward of Tombuctoo, and is the port or 
shipping-place of that city. The tract of land which the 
two streams encircle, is called Jinbala, and is inhabited by 
Negroes ; and the whole distance by land, from Jenne to 
Tombuctoo, is twelve days' journey. 

From Kabra, at the distance of eleven days journey down 
the stream, the river passes to the southward of Houssa, 
which is two days' journey distant from the river. Of the 
further progress of this great river, and its final exit, all the 
natives with whom I conversed, seem to be entirely ignorant. 
Their commercial pursuits seldom induce them to travel 
frrther than the cities of Tombuctoo and Houssa, and as the 
sole object of those journies is the acquirement of wealth, 
they pay but little attention to the course of rivers, or the 
geography of countries. It is, however, highly probable* 
that the Niger affords a safe and easy communication be- 
tween very remote nations. Ml my informants agreed that 
many of the Negro merchants, who arrived at Tombuctoo 
and Houssa from the eastward, speak a different language 
from that of Bambarra, or any other kingdom with which they 
are acquainted. But even these merchants, it would seem, 
are ignorant of the termination of the river, for such of them 
as can speak Arabic, describe the amazing length of its course 

2 



162 



TRAVELS IN THE 



in very general terms ; saying only, that they believe it 
to the world's end. 

The names of many kingdoms to the eastward of Houssa, 
are familiar to the inhabitants of Bambarra. I was shewn 
quivers and arrows of very curious workmanship, which I 
was informed came from the kingdom of Kassina. 

On the northern bank of the Niger, at a short distance 
from Silla, is the kingdom ofMasina, which is inhabited by 
Foulahs. They employ themselves there, as in other places, 
chiefly in pasturage- and pay an annual tribute to the kkkg 
of Bambarra for the lands which they occupy. 

To the north-east of Masina is situated the kingdom of 
Tombuctoo, the great object of European research ; the 
capital of this kingdom being one of principal marts for that 
extensive commerce which the Moors carry on with the 
Negroes. The hopes of acquiring wealth in this pursuit, 
and zeal for propogating their religion, have filled this ex- 
tensive city with Moors and Mahomedan converts ; the 
king himself, and all the chief officers of state are Moors ; 
and they are said to be more severe and intolerant in their 
principles, than any other of the Moorish tribes in this part 
of Africa. I was informed by a venerable old Negro, that 
v/hen he first visited Tombuctoo, he took up his lodging at a 
sort of public inn, the landlord of which, when he conduct- 
ed him into his hut, spread a mat on the floor, and laid a rope 
upon it, saying, " if you are a Mussulman you are my friend, 
" sit down; but if you are a Kafir you are my slave; and 
" with this rope I will lead you to market/* The present 
King of Tombuctoo is named Abu Abrahima ; he is report- 
ed to possess immense riches : His wives and concubines 
tire said to be clothed in silk, and the chief officers of state 
live in considerable splendour. The whole expence of his 
government is defrayed, as I was told, by a tax upon merchan- 
dize, which is collected at the gates of the city. 

The city of Houssa, the capital of a large kingdom of the 
same name, situated to the eastward of Tombuctoo, is anoth- 
er great mart for Moorish commerce. I conversed with 
-many merchants who had visited that city, and they all 
agreed that it is larger, and more populous than Tombuc- 
too. The trade, police, and government, are nearly the 
same in both ; but in Houssa, the Negroes are in greater 
proportion to the Moors, and have some share in the gov- 
ernment. 



INTERIOR OF AFRICA. 



Concerning the small kingdom of Jinbala, I was not able 
to collect much information. The soil is said to be remark- 
ably fertile, and the whole country so full of creeks and 
swamps, that the Moors have hitherto been baffled in every 
attempt to subdue it. The inhabitants are Negroes, and 
some of them are said to live in considerable affluence, par- 
ticularly those near the capital ; which is a resting-place 
for such merchants as transport goods from Tombuctoo to 
the western parts of Africa. 

To the southward of Jinbala is situated the Negro king- 
dom ot Gotto, which is said to be of great extent. It was 
formerly divided into a number of petty states, which were 
governed by their own chiefs ; but their private quarrels 
invited invasion from the neighbouring kingdoms At 
length a politic chief, of the name of Moossee, had address 
enough to make them unite in hostilities against Banibarra ; 
and on this occasion he was unanimously chosen general, 
the different chiefs consenting for a time to act under his 
command. Moossee immediately dispatched a fleet of ca- 
noes, loaded with provisions, from the banks of the late Dib- 
bie up the Niger, towards Jenne, and with the whole of his 
army pushed forwar-ls into Bambarra. He arrived on the 
bank of the Niger opposite to Jenne, before the towns-peo- 
ple had the smallest intimation of his approach ; his fleet of 
canoes joined him the same day, and having landed the pro- 
visions, he embarked part of his army, and in the night took 
Jenne by storm This event so terrified the king of Bam- 
barra, that he sent messengers to sue for peace, and in or- 
der to obtain it, consented to deliver to Moossee a certain 
number of slaves every year, and return every thing that 
had been taken from the inhabitants of Gotto. Moossee, 
thus triumphant, returned to Gotto, where he was declared 
king, and the capital of the country is called by his name. 

On the west of Gotto is the kingdom of Baedo, which was 
conquered by the present king of Bambarra about seven 
years ago, and has continued tributary to him ever since. 

West of Baedo is Maniana, the inhabitants of which, ac- 
cording to the best information I was able to collect, are'cru- 
el and ferocious, carrying their resentment towards their 
enemies so far, as never to give quarter ; and even indulge 
themselves with unnatural anddisgusting banquets of humaj* 
flesh. 



t64 



TRAVELS IN THE 



I am well aware, that the accounts which the Negroes 
give of their enemies, ought to be received with great cau- 
tion ; but I heard the same account in so many different 
kingdoms, and from such variety of people, whose veracity 
I had no occasion to suspect, that I am disposed to allow it 
some degree of credit. The inhabitants of Bambarra, in the 
course of a long and bloody war, must have had frequent 
opportunities of satisfying themselves as to the fact ; and if 
the report had been entirely without foundation, I cannot 
conceive why the term Ma dummulo (man eaters) should be 
applied exclusively to the inhabitants of Maniana. 



CHAPTER XVII. 

The Author returns westward, arrives at Modiboo, and re- 
covers his horse. He is informed that the King of Bam- 
barra had sent fier sons to afijirthend him ; avoids $ego $ 
and firoceeds along the banks of the Niger. Incidents on 
the road. Cruelties attendant on African wars. Crosses 
the river Frina and arrives at Tajfara, &c. 

Having, for the reasons assigned in the last chapter, de- 
termined to proceed no farthei east than Silla, I acquainted 
the Dooty of my intention of returning to Sego, proposing 
to travel along the southern side of the river ; but he in- 
formed me, that from the number .of creeks and swamps 
on that side, it was impossible to travel by any other route 
than along the northern bank ; and even that route, he said, 
would soon be impassable, on account of the overflowing of 
the river. However, as he commended my determination 
to return westward, he agreed to speak to some one of the 
fishermen to carry me over to Moorzan. I accordingly 
stepped into a canoe about eight o'clock in the morning of 
July 30th, and in about an hour was landed at Moorzan — 
At this place I hired a canoe for sixty Kowries, and in the 
afternoon arrived at Kea, where, for forty Kowries more, the 
Dooty permitted me to sleep in the same hut with one of 
his slaves : This poor Negro, perceiving that I was sickly. 



INTERIOR OF AFRICA. 



165 



and that my clothes were very ragged, humanely lent me a 
large cloth to cover me for the night. 

July 31st. The Dooty's brother being going to Modi- 
boo, I embraced the opportunity of accompanying him thith- 
er, there being no beaten road. He promised to carry my 
saddle, which I had left at Kea when my horse fell down i» 
the woods, as I now proposed to present it to the king of 
Bambarra. 

W e departed from Kea at eight o'clock, and about a mile 
to the westward observed, on the bank of the river, a great 
number of earthern jars piled up together. They were very 
neatly formed, but not glazed ; and were evidently of that 
sort of pottery which is manufactured at Downie, a town to 
the west of Tombuctoo, and sold to great advantage in differ- 
ent parts of Bambarra. As we approached towards the 
jars, my companion plucked up a large handful of herbage, 
and threw it upon them, making signs for me to do the same, 
which I did. He then, with great seriousness, told me, that 
these jars belonged to some supernatural power ; that they 
were found in their present situation about two years ago ; 
and as no person had claimed them, every traveller, as he 
passed them, from respect to the invisible proprietor, threw 
some grass, or the branch of a tree, upon the heap, to de- 
fend the jars from the rain. 

Thus conversing, we travelled in the most friendly man- 
ner, until, unfortunately, we perceived the footsteps of a li- 
on quite fresh in the mud near the river side. My coirip 
panion now proceeded with great circumspection, and at 
last, coming to some thick underwood, he insisted that I 
should walk before him. 1 endeavoured to excuse myself, 
by alledging that I did not know the road ; but he obsti- 
nately persisted, and after a few high words and menacing 
looks, threw down the saddle and went away. This very 
much disconcerted me ; but as I had given up all hopes of 
obtaining a horse, I could not think of encumbering myself 
with the saddle, and taking off the stirrups and girths, I 
threw the saddle into the river. The Negro no sooner saw 
me throw the saddle into the water, than he came running 
from among the bushes where he had concealed himself, 
jumped into the river, and by. the help of his spear brought 
out the saddle and ran away with it. I continued my course 
alon£ the bank ; but as the wood was remarkably thick, and 
I had reason to believe that a lion was at no great distance 



166 



TRAVELS IN THE 



I became mtich alarmed, and took a long circuit through 

the bushes to avoid him. 

About four in the afternoon I reached Modiboo, where I 
found my saddle. The guide, who had got there before me, 
being afraid that I should inform the king of his conduct, 
had brought the saddle with him in a canoe. 

While I was conversing with the Dooty, and remonstrat- 
ing against the guide for having left me in such a situation, 
I heard a horse neigh in one of the huts, and the Dooty in- 
quired, with a smile, if I knew who was speaking to me ? 
He explained himself by telling me that my horse was still 
alive, and somewhat recovered from his fatigue ; but he in- 
sisted that 1 should take him along with me, adding, that he 
had once kept a Moor's horse for four months, and when 
the horse had recovered and got in good condition, the Moor 
returned and claimed it, and refused to give him any reward 
for his trouble. 

August 1st. I departed from Modiboo, driving my horse 
before me and in the afternoon reached Nyamee, where I 
remained three days, during which time it rained without 
intermission, and with such violence, that no person could 
venture out of doors. 

August 5th I departed from Nyamee ; but the coun- 
try was so deluged, that I was frequently in danger of losing 
the road, and to wade across the savannahs for miles to- 
gether knee deep in water. Even the corn ground, which 
is the driest land in the country, was so completely flooded, 
that my horse twice stuck fast in the mud, and was not got 
out without the greatest difficulty. 

In the evening of the same day I arrived at Nyara, where 
I was well received by the Dooty, and as the 6th was rainy, 
I did not depart until the morning of the 7th ; but the wa- 
ter had swelled to such a height, that in many places the 
road was scarcely passable ; and though I waded breast deep 
across the swamps, I could only reach a small village cal- 
led Nemaboo, where however, for an hundred Kowries, I 
procured from some Foulahs plenty of corn for my horse, 
and milk for myself 

Aug. 8th. The difficulties I had experienced the day before, 
made me anxious to engage a fellow-traveller ; particularly 
as I was assured, that in the course of a few days, the coun- 
try would be so completely overflowed, as to render the road 
utterly impassable ; but though I offered two hundred Kow- 



INTERIOR OF AFRICA. 



167 



ries for a guide, nobody would accompany me. However, 
on the morning following, August 9th, a Moor and his 
wife, riding upon two bullocks, and bound for Sego with 
salt, passed the village, and agreed to take me along with 
them ; but I found them of little service, for they were 
wholly unacquainted with the road, and being accustomed 
to a sandy soil, were very bad travellers. Instead of wad- 
ing before the bullocks to feel if the ground was solid, the 
woman boldly entered the first swamp, riding upon the top 
of the load; but when she had proceeded about two hun- 
dred yards, the bullock sunk into a hole, and threw both 
the load and herself among the reeds The frightened 
husband stood for some time seemingly petrified with hor- 
ror, and suffered his wife to be almost drowned before he 
went to her assistance. 

About sunset we reached Sibity, but the Dooty received 
me very coolly ; and when I solicited for a guide to San- 
sanding, he told me his people were otherwise employed. 
I was shewn into a damp old hut, where I passed a very un- 
comfortable night, for when the walls of the huts are soften- 
ed by the rain, they frequently become too weak to support 
the weight of the roof. I heard three huts fall during the 
night, and was apprehensive that the hut I lodged in would 
be the fourth. In the morning, as I went to pull some grass 
for my horse, I counted fourteen huts which had fallen in 
this manner, since the commencement of the rainy season. 

It continued to rain with great violence all the 10th, and 
as the Dooty refused to give me any provisions, I purchased 
some corn which I divided with my horse. 

August 11th. The Dooty compelled me to leave the 
town, and I set out for Sansanding, without any great hopes 
of faring better there than I had done at Sibity ; for I learn- 
ed from people who came to visit me, that a report prevail- 
ed, and was universally believed, that I had come to Bam- 
barra as a spy ; and as Mansong had not admitted me into 
his presence, the Dooties of the different towns were at 
liberty to treat me in what manner they pleased. From re- 
peatedly hearing the same story, I had no doubt of the truth 
of it ; but as there was no alternative, I determined to pro- 
ceed, and a little before sun-set I arrived at Sansanding. My 
reception was what I expected. Counti Mamadi, who had 
been so kind to me formerly scarcely gave we welcome. 
Eyery one wished to shun me, and my landlord sent a per- 



168 



TRAVELS IN THE 



son to inform me, that a very unfavourable report was re- 
ceived from Sego concerning me, and that he wished me to 
depart early in the morning. About ten o'clock at night 
Counti vlamadi himself came privately to me, and informed 
me, that Mansong had dispatched a canoe, to Jenne to bring 
me back ; and he was afraid I should find great difficulty in 
going to the west country. He advised me therefore, to de- 
part from Sansanding before day-break ; and cautioned me 
against stopping at Diggani, or any town near Sego. 

August 12th I departed from Sansanding and reached 
Kabba in the afternoon. As I approached the town I was 
surprised to see several people assembled at the gate, one 
of whom as I advanced came running towards me, and tak- 
ing my horse by the bridle, led me round the walls of the 
town, and then pointing to the west, told me to go along 
or it would fare worse with me. It was in vain that I repre- 
sented the danger of being benighted in the woods, exposed 
to the inclemency of the weather, and the fury of the wild 
beasts. " Go along," was all the answer ; and a number of 
people coming up, and urging me in the same manner with 
great earnestness, I suspected that some of the king's mes- 
sengers, who were sent in search of me, were in the town, 
and that these Negroes, from mere kindness, conducted me 
past it, with a view to facilitate my escape. I accordingly 
took the road for Sego, with the uncomfortable prospect of 
passing the night on the branches of a tree. After travel- 
ling about three miles, I came to a small village near the 
road. The Dooty was splitting sticksby the gate ; but I found 
I could h-ve no admittance ; and when I attempted to en- 
ter, he jumped up, and, with the stick he held in his hand, 
threatened to strike me off the horse, if I presumed to ad* 
vance another step. 

At a little distance from this village* and farther from the 
roadvis another small one I conjectured, that being rather 
our of the common route, the inhabitants might have fewer 
objections to give me house room for the night, and having 
erussed some corn fields, I sat down under a tree by the 
well. Two or three women came to draw water, and one of 
them perceiving I was a stranger, inquired whither I was go- 
ing I told her, I was going for Sego, but beine* benighted 
o? ; rhe road, I wished to stay at the village until morning, 
and begged $}je would acquaint the- Dooty with my situation* 
In a little time the Dooty sent for me. and permitted me to 



INTERIOR OF AFRICA. 



169 



steep in a large saloon, in one corner of which was con- 
structed a kiln for drying the fruit of the Shea trees ; it con- 
tained about half a cart load of fruit, under which was kept 
up a clear wood fire. I was informed, that in three days 
the fruit would be ready for pounding and boiling ; and that 
the butter thus manufactured, is preferable to that which 
is prepared from fruit dried in the sun, especially in the 
rainy season, when the process by insolation is always te- 
dious, and oftentimes ineffectual 

August 13. About ten o'clock I reached a small village 
within half a mile of Sego, where I endeavoured, butin vain, 
to procure some provisions. Every one seemed anxious to 
avoid me, and could plainly perceive, by the looks and be- 
haviour of the inhabitants, that some very unfavourable ac- 
counts had been circulated concerning me. 1 was again in- 
formed, that Mansong had sent people f to apprehend me ; and 
the Booty's son told me I had no time to lose, if I wished to 
get safe out of Bambarra. I now fully saw the danger of 
my situation, and determined to avoid Sego altogether. I 
accordingly mounted my horse, and taking the road for Dig- 
gani, travelled as fast as I could, until I was out of sight of 
the villagers, when I struck to the westward through high 
grass and swampy ground. About noon I stopped under a 
tree to consider what course to take, for I had now no doubt, 
that the Moors and Slatees had misinformed the king re- 
specting the object of my mission, and that people were ab- 
solutely in search of me, to convey me a prisoner to Sego, 
Sometimes I had thoughts of swimming my horse across 
the Niger, and going to the southward for Cape Coast; but 
reflecting that I had ten days to travel before I should reach 
Kong, and afterwards an extensive country to traverse, in- 
habited by various nations, with whose language and man- 
ners I was totally unacquainted, I relinquished this scheme, 
and judged that I should better answer the purpose of my 
mission, by proceeding to the westward along the Niger, 
endeavouring to ascertain how far the river was navigable in 
that direction. Having resolved upon this course, I pro- 
ceeded accordingly, and a little before sunset arrived at a 
Foul?> village called Sooboo, where, for two hundred Kow- 
neo, I procured lodging for the night. 

August 1 4th. I continued my course along the bank of 
the r?yer s through a populous and well cultivated country ; 

P 



170 



TRAVELS IN THE 



I passed a walled town called Kamalia* without stopping, 
and at noon rode through a large town called Samee, where 
there happened to be a market, and a number of people as- 
sembled in an open place in the middle of the town, selling 
cattle, cloth, corn, &x. I rode through the midst of them 
without being much observed, every one taking me for a 
Moor. In the afternoon I arrived at a small village called 
Binm, where I agreed with the Dooty's son, for one hun- 
dred Kowries, to allow me to stay for the night ; but when 
the Dooty returned, he insisted that I should instantly 
leave the place ; and if his wife and son had not interceded 
for me, I must have complied. 

August 15th. About nine o'clock I passed a large town 
called Sai, which very much excited my curiosity. It is 
completely surrounded by two very deep trenches, at about 
two hundred yards distance from the walls On the top of 
the trenches are a number of square towers, and the whole 
has the appearance of a regular fortification. Inquiring in- 
to the origin of this extraordinary entrenchment, I learned 
from two of the towns-people the following particulars, 
which if true, furnish a mournful picture of the enormities 
of African wars. About fifteen years ago, when the pre- 
sent king of Bambarra's father desolated Maniana,the Dooty 
of Sai had two sons slain in battle, fighting in the king's 
cause. He had a third son living ; and when the king de- 
manded a further reinforcement of men, and this youth 
among the rest, the Dooty refused to send him* This con- 
duct so enraged the king, that when he returned from Ma- 
niana, about the beginning of the rainy season, and found the 
Dooty protected by the inhabitants, he sat down before Sai 
with his army, and surrounded the town with the trenches I 
had now seen. After a siege of two months, the towns- 
people became involved in all the horrors of famine ; and 
whilst the king's army were feasting in their trenches, they 
saw with pleasure, the miserable inhabitants of Sai, devour 
the leaves and bark of the Bentang tree that stood in the 
middle of the town. Finding however, that the besieged 
would sooner perish than surrender, the king had recourse to 
treachery. He promised, that if they would open the gates, 
no person should be put to death nor suffer any injury, but 
the Dooty alone.. The poor old man determined to sacrifice 

# There is another town of this name, hereafter to be ment'.or c ■:. 



INTERIOR OF AFRICA. 



171 



himself for the sake of his fellow-citizens, and immediately 
walked over to the king's army, where he was put to death. 
His son, in attempting to escape, was caught and massacred 
in the trenches; and the rest of the towns-people were car- 
ried away captives, and sold as slaves to the different Ne- 
gro traders. 

About noon I came to the village of Kaimo, situated upon, 
the bank of the river, and as the corn 1 had purchased at 
Sibili, was exhausted, I endeavored to purchase a fresh sup- 
ply ; but was informed, that corn was become very scarce 
all over the country, and though I offered fifty Kowries for 
a small quantity, no person would sell me any. As I was 
about to depart, however, one of the villagers, who proba- 
bly mistook .me for some Moorish shereef, brought me 
some as a present, only desiring me in return, to bestow my 
blessing upon him ; which I did in plain English, and he 
received it with a thousand acknowledgments. Of this 
present I made my dinner, and it was the third successive 
day that I had subsisted entirely upon raw corn. 

In the evening I arrived at a small village called Song, 
the surly inhabitants of which Would not receive me, nor so 
much as to permit me enter the gate ; but as lions were 
very numerous in this neighbourhood, and I had frequently 
in the course of the day, observed the impression of their 
feet on the road, I resolved to stay in the vicinity of the vil- 
lage. Having collected some grass for my horse, I accord- 
ingly laid down under a tree by the gate. About ten o'clock 
I heard the bellow ro:ir of the lion at no great distance^ 
and attempted to open the gate ; but the people from with- 
in told me, that no person must attempt to enter the gate 
without the Booty's permission. 1 begged them to inform 
the Booty that a lion was approaching the village, and I 
hoped he would allow me to come within the gate. I waited 
for an answer to this message with great anxiety, for the lion 
kept prowling round the village, and once advanced so very 
near me that I heard him rustling among the grass, and 
climbed a tree for safety. About midnight the Booty with 
some of his people opened the gate, and desired me to come 
in. They were convinced they said, that I was not a Moor ; 
for no Moor ever waited any time at the gate of a village 
without cursing the inhabitants. 

August 16th. About ten o'clock I passed a considerable 
town with a mosque, called Jabbee. Here the country begins 



172 



TRAVELS IN THE 



to rise into hills, and I could see the summits of high moun- 
tains to the westward. I had very disagreeable travelling 
all this day, on account of the swampiness of the roads ; for 
the river was now risen to such aheight, as to overflow great 
part of the flat land on both sides, and from the muddiness 
of the water, it was difficult to discern its depth. In cros- 
sing one of these swamps, a little to the westward of a town 
called Gangu, my horse being up to the belly in water slipt 
suddenly into a deep pit, and was almost drowned before he 
could disengage his feet from the stiff clay at the bottom. In- 
deed both the horse and his rider were so completely cov- 
ered with mud, that in passing the village of Calimana, the 
people compared us to two dirty elephants. About noon I 
stopped at a small village near Yamina, where I purchased 
some corn> and dried my papers and clothes 

The town of Yamina> at a distance, has a very fine ap- 
pearance. It covers nearly the same extent of ground as 
Sansanding ; but having been plundered by Daisy, king of 
Kaarta, about four years ago, it has not yet resumed its for- 
mer prosperity, nearly one half of the town being nothing 
but a heap of ruins ; however, it is- still a considerable place, 
and is so much frequented by the Moors, that I did not think 
it safe to lodge in it ; but in order to satisfy myself respect- 
ing its population and extent, I resolved to ride through it ; 
in doing which, I observed a great many Moors sitting up- 
on the Bentangs and other places of public resort. Every 
body looked at me with astonishment, but as I rode briskly 
along, they had no time to ask questions. 

I arrived in the evening at Farra, a walled village, where, 
without much difficulty, I procured a lodging for the night. 

Aug. 17th. Early in the morning I pursued my jour- 
ney, and at eight o'clock passed a considerable town called 
Balaba ; after which the road quits the plain, and stretches 
along the side of the hill. I passed, in the course of this 
day, the ruins of three towns, the inhabitants of which were 
all carried away by Daisy, king of Kaarta, on the same day 
that he took and plundered Yamina. Near one of these ru- 
ins I climbed a tamarind tree, but found the fruit quite 
green and sour, and the prospect of the country was by no 
means inviting ; for the high grass and bushes seemed com- 
pletely to obstruct the road, and the lowlands were so flood- 
ed by the river, that the Niger had the appearance of an ex- 
tensive lake. In the evening I arrived at Kanika, where 



INTERIOR OF AFRICA. 



173 



the Dooty, who was sitting upon an elephant's hide at the 
gate, received me kindly, and gave me for supper, bjme 
milk and meal ; which I considered, as to a person in my 
situation, it really was, a very great luxury. 

Aug. 18th- By mistake I took the wrong road, and did 
not discover my error until I had travelled near four miles, 
when coming to an eminence, 1 observed the Niger con- 
siderably to the left. Directing my course towards it, I 
travelled through long grass and bushes with great difficul- 
ty, until two o'clock in the afternoon, when I came to a com- 
paratively small, but very rapid river, which I took at first 
for a creek, or one of the streams of the Niger. However, 
after I had examined it with more attention, I was convin- 
ced that it was a distinct river ; and as the road evidently 
crossed it, for I could see the pathway on the opposite side, 
I sat down upon the bank, in hopes that some traveller 
might arrive, who would give me the necessary informa- 
tion concerning the fording place ; for the banks were so 
covered with reeds and bushes, that it would have been al- 
most impossible to land on the other side, except at the 
pathway, which on account of the rapidity of the stream, it 
seemed very difficult to reach. No traveller, however, ar- 
riving, and there being a great appearance of rain, I exam- 
ined the grats and bushes for someway up the bank, and de- 
termined upon entering the river considerably above the 
pathway, in order to reach the other side before the stream 
had swept me too far down. With this view I fastened my 
clothes upon the saddle, and was standing up to the neck in 
water, pulling my horse by the bridle to make him follow 
me, when a man came accidentally to the place, and seeing 
me in the water, called to me with great vehemence to come 
out: The alligators, he said, would devour both me and my 
horse, if we attempted to swim over. When I had got out ; 
the stranger, who had never before seen an European, seem- 
ed wonderfully surprised. He twice put his hand to his 
mouth, exclaiming, in a low tone of voice, « God preserve 
me 1 who is this l" but when he heard me speak the Bam- 
barra tongue, and found that I was going the same way as 
himself, he promised to assist me in crossing the river, the 
name of which he told me was Frina. He then went a lit- 
tle way along the bank, and called to some person, who an- 
swered from the other side. In a short time, a canoe with 
nvobovs, came paddling from among the reeds : these M>vs 

P 2 



174 



TRAVELS IN THE 



agreed, for fifty Kowries, to transport me and my horse over 
the river, which was effected without much difficulty ; and 
I arrived, in the evening, at Taffara, a walled town, and soon 
discovered, that the language of the natives was improved, 
from the corrupted dialect of Bambarra, to the pure Man- 
dingo. 



CHAPTER XVIII. 

Inhospitable recefition at Taffara. A Negro funeral at Sooha, 
Continues the route along the banks of the Niger^ 
through several villages^ till he comes to Koolikorro Sup* 
ports himself by writing sdphies. Beaches Marraboo ; 
loses the road ; and after many difficulties arrives at Bam- 
makoo. Meets ninth great kindness at Kooma ; but is af- 
terwards stripped and robbed by banditti. Besource and 
consolation under exquisite distress. 

On my arrival at Taffara I inquired for the Dooty, but 
was informed that he had died a few days before my arrival, 
and that there was, at that moment, a meeting of the chief 
men for electing another, there being some dispute about 
the succession. It was probably awing to this unsettled 
state of the town, that I experienced such a want of hospi- 
tality in it ; for though I informed the inhabitants, that I 
should only remain with them for one night, and assured 
them that Mansong had given me some Kowries to pay for 
my lodging, yet no person invited me to come in ; and I was 
forced to sit alone under the Bentang tree, exposed to the 
5»ain and wind of a tornado, which lasted with great violence 
until midnight At this time the stranger, who had assist- 
ed me in crossing the river, paid me a visit, and observing 
that I had not found a lodging, invited mo to take part of his 
supper, which he had brought to the door of his hut ; for, 
being a guest himself, he could not, without his landlord's 
consent, invite me to come in. After this I slept upon some 
~*et grass in the corner of a court, My horse fared stiU 



INTERIOR OF AFRICA, 



17 5 



worse than myself ; the corn I had purchased being all ex- 
pended, and I could not procure a supply. 

Aug. 20 I passed the town of Jaba, and stopped a few 
minutes at a village called Somino, where I begged and ob- 
tained some coarse food, which the natives prepare fiom the 
husks of corn, and call Boo. About two o'clock I came to 
the village of Sooha, and endeavoured to purchase some 
corn from the Dooty, who was sitting by the gate, but with- 
out success. I then requested a little food by way of chari- 
ty, but was told he had none to spare. Whilst I was exam- 
ining the countenance of this inhospitable old man, and en- 
deavouring to find out the cause of the sullen discontent 
which was visible in his eye, he called to a slave who was 
working in the corn field at a little distance and ordered him 
to bring his paddle along with him. The Dooty then told 
him to dig a hole in the ground, pointing to a spot at no great 
distance. The slave with his paddle began to dig a pit in 
the earth, and the Dooty, who appeared to be a man of a very 
fretful disposition, kept muttering and talking to himself, 
until the pit was almost finished, when he repeatedly pro- 
nounced' the words dankatoo (good for nothing) jankra lem- 
en (a real plague) which expressions I thought could be ap*^ 
plied to nobody but myself ; and as the pit had very much 
the appearance of a grave, I thought it prudent to mount my 
horse, and was about to decamp, when the slave, who had be- 
fore gone into the village, to my surprise, returned with the 
corpse of a boy about nine or ten years of age, quite naked. 
The Negro carried the body by a leg and an arm, and threw 
it into the pit with a savage indifference, which I had never 
before seen. As he covered the body with earth, the Dooty 
often expressed himself, naphula attiniata (money lost) 
whence I concluded that the boy had been one of his slaves. 

Departing from this shocking scene, I travelled by the 
side of the river until sunset, when I came to Koolikorro, a 
considerable town, and a great market for salt. Here I took 
up my lodging at the house of a Bambarran, who had for- 
merly been the slave of a Moor, and in that character had 
travelled to Aroan, Towdinni, and many other places in the 
Great Desert; but turning Mussulman, and his master dy- 
ing at Jenne, he obtained his freedom and settled at this place, 
where he carries on a considerable trade in salt, cotton cloth, 
8cc. His knowledge of the world had not lessened that su- 
perstitious confidence in saphies and charms^ which he hasl- 



1-76 



TRAVELS IN THE 



imbibed in his earlier years, for when he heard I was a Chris- 
tian, he immediately thought of procuring a saphie, and for 
this purpose brought out his voalha, or writing board, assur- 
ing me, that he would dress me a supper of rice, if I would 
write him a saphie to protect him from wicked men. — 
The proposal was of too great consequence to me to be re- 
fused ; I therefore wrote the board full from top to bottom, 
on both sides ; and my landlord, to be certain of having the 
whole force of the charm, washed the writing from the board 
into a calabash with a little water, and having said a few pray- 
ers overitj drank this powerful draught ; after which, lest a 
single word should escape, he licked the board until it was 
quite dry. A saphie writer was a man of too great conse- 
quence to be long concealed ; the important information 
was carried to the Dooty, who sent his son with half a sheet 
©f writing paper, desiring me to write him a nafihula sa/ihie 
(a charm to procure wealth.) He brought me as a present, 
some meat and milk ; and when I had finished the saphie, 
and read it to him with an audible voice, he seemed highly 
satisfied with his bargain, and promised to bring me in the 
morning, some milk for my breakfast. When : had finish- 
ed my supper of vice and salt, I laid myself down upon a 
bullock's hide, and slept very quietly until morning, this be- 
ing the first good meal and refreshing sleep that i had en- 
joyed for a long time. 

Aug 21st. At day-break I departed from Koolikorro, 
and about noon passed the villages of Kayoo and Tooiumbo. 
In the afternoon I arrived at Marraboo, a large town, and like 
Koolikorro, famous for its trade in salt. I was conducted to 
the house of a Kaartan, of the tribe of Jower, by whom I was 
well received. This man had acquired a considerable prop- 
erty in the slave trade, and from his hospitality to strangers, 
was called, by way of pre-eminence, Jatee (the landlord) and 
his house was a sort of public inn for all travellers. Those 
who had money were w r ell lodged, for they always m?.de him 
some return for his kindness ; but those who had nothing 
to give, were content to accept whatever he thought proper, 
and as I could not rank myself among the rnonied men, I 
was happy to take up my lodging in the same hut with sev- 
en poor fellows, who had come from Kancaba in a canoe ; 
but our landlord sent us some victuals. 

Aug. 22d. One of the landlord's servants went with me 
a little way from the town, to shew me what road to take > 



INTERIOR OF AFRICA. 



177 



but, whether from ignorance or design, I know not, he di- 
rected me wrong, and I did not discover my mistake until 
the day was far advanced, when coming to a deep creek, I 
had some thoughts of turning back ; but as by that means, I 
foresaw that I could not possibly reach Bammakoo before 
night, I resolved to cross it, and leading- my horse close to 
the brink, I went behind him and pushed him headlong in- 
to the water, and then taking the bridle in my teeth, swam 
over to the other side. This was the third creek I had cross- 
ed in this manner since I had left Sego ; but having secur* 
ed my notes and memorandums in the crown of my hat, I re- 
ceived but little or no inconvenience from such adventures. 
The rain and heavy dew kept my clothes constantly wet, and 
the roads being very deep, and full of mud, such a washing 
was sometimes pleasant and oftentimes necessary. I continued 
travelling through high grass, without any beaten road, and 
about noon came to the river, the banks of which are here 
very rocky, and the force and roar of the water was very 
great. The king ofBambarra's canoes, however, frequently 
pass these rapids by keeping close to the bank, persons be- 
ing stationed on the shore with ropes fastened to the canoe, 
while others push it forward with long poles. At this time, 
however, it would, I think, have been a matter of great diffi* 
cuky, for any European boat to have crossed the stream — 
About four o'clock in the afternoon having altered my course 
from the river towards the mountains, I came to a small 
pathway, which led to a village called Frookaboo, where I 
slept. 

Aug. 23d. Early in the morning i set out for Bamma- 
koo, at which place ! arrived about five o'clock in the after- 
noon. I had heard Bammakoo much talked of as a great 
market for salt, and I felt rather disappointed to find it only 
a middling town, not quite so large as Marraboo : However, 
the smallness of its size is more than compensated by the 
richness of its inhabitants ; for when the Moors bring their 
salt through Kaarta or Bambarra, they constantly rest a few 
days at this place ; and the Negro merchants here, who are 
well acquainted with the value of salt in different kingdoms, 
frequently purchase by wholesale, and retail it to great ad- 
vantage Here lodged at the house of a Sera-Woolli Ne- 
gro, and was visited by a number of Moors. They spoke 
very good Matu ingo, and were more civil to me than their 
countrymen had been. One of them had travelled to Rio 



178 



TRAVELS IN THE 



Grande, and spoke very highly of the Christians. He sent 
me in the evening some boiled rice and milk. 1 now en- 
deavoured to procure information concerning my route west- 
ward, from a slave merchant who had resided some years on 
the Gambia. He gave me some imperfect account of the 
distance, and enumerated the names of a great many places 
that lay in the w*y, but withal told me that the road was im- 
passable at this season of the year ; he was even afraid, he 
said, that 1 should find great difficulty in proceeding any far- 
ther, as the road crossed the Joliba at a town about half a 
day's journey to the westward of Bammakoo, and there be- 
ing no canoes at that place large enough to receive my horse, 
I could not possibly get him over for some months to come. 
This was an obstruction of a very serious nature ; but as 1 
had no money to maintain myself, even for a few days, i re- 
solved to push on, and if 1 could not convey my horse across 
the river, to abandon him and swim over myself. In thoughts 
of this nature passed the night, and in the morning consult- 
ed with my landlord, how I should surmount the present 
difficulty. He informed me that one road still remained, 
which was indeed very rocky, and scarcely passable for hor- 
ses ; but that if i had a proper guide over the hills to a town 
called Sibidooloo, he had no doubt, but with patience and 
caution 1 might travel forwards through Manding. 1 im- 
mediately applied to tbe Booty, and was informed that a 
Jilli tea (singing man) was about to depart for Sibidooloo, 
and would shew me the road over the hills. With this man, 
who undertook to be my conductor, i travelled up a rocky 
glen about two miles, when we came to a small village, and 
here my musical fellow-traveller found out that he had 
brought me the wrong road. He told me that the horse- 
road lay on the other side of the hill, and throwing his drum 
upon his back, mounted up the rocks, where indeed no horse 
could follow him, leaving me to admire his agility, and trace 
out a road for myself. As I found it impossible to proceed, 
I rode back to the level ground, and directing my course to 
the eastward, came about noon to another glen, and discov- 
ered a path, on which I observed the marks of horses' feet ; 
following this path, I came in a short time to some shep- 
herd's huts, where I was informed that I was in the right 
road, but that I could not possibly reach Sibidooloo before 
night. Soon after this I gained the summit of a hill, from 
whence I had an extensive view of the country. Towards 



INTERIOR OF AFRICA. 



17$ 



the south-east appeared some very distant mountains, which 
I had formerly seen from an eminence near Marraboo, where 
the people informed me, that these mountains were situated 
in a large and powerful kingdom called Kong ; the sove- 
reign of which could raise a much greater army than the 
king of Bambarra. Upon this height the soil is shallow ; 
the rocks are ironstone and schist-us, with detached pieces 
of white quartz. 

A little before sunset I descended on the north-west side 
of this ridge of hills, and as I was looking about for a conven- 
ient tree, under which to pass the night, fori had no hopes 
of reaching any town, I descended into a delightful valley, 
and soon afterwards arrived at a romantic village called Koo- 
ma. This village is surrounded by a high wall, and is the 
sole property of a Mandingo merchant, who fled hither with 
his family., during a former war. The adjacent fields yield 
him plenty of corn, his cattle roam at large in the valley, and 
the rocky hills secure him from the depredations of war. In 
this obscure retreat he is seldom visited by strangers, but 
whenever this happens he makes the weary traveller wel- 
come. I soon found myself surrounded by a circle of the 
harmless villagers. They asked a thousand questions about 
my country, and in return for my information brought corn 
and milk for myself, and grass for my horse, kindled a fire 
in the hut where J was to sleep, and appeared very anxious 
to serve me. 

August 25th. I departed from Kooma accompanied by 
two shepherds who were going towards Sibidooloo. The 
road was very steep and rocky, and as my horse had hurt 
his feet much in coming from Bammakoo, he travelled slow- 
ly and with great difficulty, for in many places the ascent 
was so sharp, and the declivities so great, that if he had made 
one false step, he must inevitably have been dashed to pieces. 
The shepherds being anxious to proceed, gave themselves 
little trouble about me or my horse, and kept walking on at 
a considerable distance. It was about eleven o'clock, as I 
stepped to drink a little water at a rivulet, my companions 
being near a quarter of a mile before me, that I heard some 
people calling to each other, and presently aloud screaming, 
as from a person in great distress. I immediately conjec- 
tured that a lion had taken one of the shepherds, and mount- 
ed my horse to have a better view of what had happened. 
The noise, however, ceased? and I rode slowly towards the 



TRAVELS IN THE 



place from whence I thought it had proceeded, calling out 5 
but without receiving any answer. In a little time, how- 
ever, I perceived one of the shepherds lying among the 
long grass near the road, and though I could see no blood 
upon him, I concluded he was dead. But when I came 
close to him, he whispered to me to stop, telling me, that a 
party of armed men had seized upon his companion, and 
shot two arrows at himself as he was making his escape. I 
stopped to consider what course to take, and looking round, 
saw at a little distance a man sitting upon the stump of a 
tree ; I distinguished also the heads of six or seven more, 
fitting among the grass with muskets in tl>eir hands. I 
had now no hopes of escaping, and therefore determined to 
ride forward towards them. As I approached them, I was 
in hopes they were elephant hunters; and by way of open- 
ing the conversation, inquired if they had shot any thing; 
but without returning an answer, one of them ordered me 
to dismount, and then, as if recollecting himself, waved with 
his hand for me to proceed. I accordingly rode past, and 
had with some difficulty crossed a deep rivulet, when I 
heard somebody halloa, and looking behind, saw those I had 
taken for elephant hunters running after me, and calling 
<©ut to me to turn back I stopped until they were all come 
up, when they informed me, that the king of the Foulahs 
had sent them on purpose to bring me, my horse, and every 
thing that belonged to me, to Fooladoo, and that there- 
fore I must turn back, and go along with them. Without 
hesitating a moment, I turned round and followed them, and 
we travelled together near a quarter of a mile, without ex- 
changing a word ; when coming to a dark place in the wood, 
one of them said, in the Mandingo language, " this place 
will do," and immediately snatched my hat from 
head. Though I was by no means free of apprehensio n, 
I resolved to shew as few signs of fear ss possible, 
and therefore told them, that unless my hat was return- 
ed to me, I should proceed no further. But before I 
tiad time to receive an answer, another drew his knife, and 
seizing upon a metal button which remained upon my w aist- 
coat, cut it off, and put it into his pocket. Their intentions 
were now obvious, and I thought that the easier they were 
permitted to rob me of every thing, the less I had to fear. 
I therefore allowed them to search my pockets without re- 
sistance, andexamine every part of my apparel, which ther 



INTERIOR OF AFRICA. 



181 



did with the most scrupulous exactness. But observing; 
that i had one waistcoat under another, they insisted I should 
cast them both off; and at last, to make sure work, they 
stripped me quite naked. Even my half boots, though the sole 
of one of them was tied on to my foot with a broken bridle- 
rain, were minutely inspected. Whilst they were examin- 
ing the plunder, 1 begged them with great earnestness to 
return my pocket compass ; but when i pointed it out to 
them, as it was lying on the ground, one of the banditti 
thinking I was about to take it up, cocked his musket, and 
swore that he would lay me dead upon the spot, iff pre- 
sumed to put my hand upon it. After this, some of them 
went away with my horse, and the remainder stood consid- 
ering, whether they should leave me quite naked, or allow 
me something to shelter me from the sun. Humanity at 
last prevailed ; they returned me the worst of the two shirts, 
and a pair of trowsers, and as they went away, one of them 
threw back my hat, in the crown of which i kept my me- 
morandums, and this was probably the reason they did not 
wish to keep it. After they were gone I sat for some time, 
looking around me with amazement and terror. Which evei* 
way I turned, nothing appeared but danger and difficulty. I 
saw myself in the midst of a vast wilderness, in the depth of 
the rainy season; naked and alone; surrounded by savage 
animals, and men still more savage, i was five hundred 
miles from the nearest European settlement. All these cir- 
cumstances crowded at once on my recollection, and i con- 
fess, that my spirits began to fail me. 1 considered my fate 
as certain, and that I had no alternative, but to lie down and 
perish. The influence of religion, however, aided and sup- 
ported me. I reflected, that no human prudence or fore- 
sight could possibly have averted my present sufferings. I 
was indeed a stranger in a strange land ,yet I was still under 
the protecting eye of that Providence, who has condescend- 
ed to call himself the stranger's friend. At this moment, 
painful as my reflections were, the extraordinary beauty of 
a small moss, in fructification, irresistibly caught my eye. 
I mention this to shew, from what trifling circumstances 
the mind will sometimes derive consolation ; for though 
the whole plant was not larger than the top of one of my 
fingers, I could not contemplate the delicate conformation 
of its roots, leaves, and capsula, without admiration. Can 
that Being, thought I, who planted, watered, and broueht 

Q 



182 



TRAVELS IN THE 



to perfection,' in this obscure part of the world, a thing 
which appears of so small importance, look with unconcern, 
upon the situation and sufferings of creatures formed after 
his own image ? — Surely not ! — Reflections like these would 
not allow me to despair. I started up, and disregarding 
both hunger and fatigue, travelled forwards, assured that 
relief was at hand ; and I was not disappointed. In a short 
time I came to a small village, at the entrance of which I 
overtook the two shepherds, who had come with me from 
Xooma. They were much surprised to see me; for they 
said, they never doubted that the Foulahs, when they had 
robbed, had murdered me. Departing from this village, 
we travelled over several rocky ridges, and at sunset, ar- 
rived at Sibidooloo, the frontier town of the kingdom of 
Standing. 



CHAPTER XIX. 

Government of Manding* Authors reception by the Man- 
or chief man of Sibidooloo y nvho takes measures for 
the recovery of his horse y l£c. Removes to Wonda ; 
great scarcity and its afflicting consequences. Recovers 
his horse and clothes. Proceeds to Kamalia. Account 
of Kamalia. Kind reception by Karfa Taura, a Slatee, 
*who proposes to go to the Gambia with a caravan of 
slaves, &c. 

The town of Sibidooloo is situated in a fertile valley, 
surrounded with high rocky hills. It is scarcely accessi- 
ble for horses, and during the frequent wars between the 
Bambarrans, Foulahs, and Mandingoes, has never once been 
plundered by an enemy. When I entered the town the 
people gathered round me, and followed me into the saloon, 
where I was presented to the Dooiy or chief man, who is 
here called Mansa, which usually signifies king. Never- 
theless, it appeared to me, that the government of Manding 
was a sort of republic, or rather an oligarchy ; every town 
having a particular Mansa, and the chief power of the state >« 
in the last resort, being lodged in the assembly of the whole 



INTERIOR OF AFRICA. 



133 



body. I related to the Mansa, the circumstances of my 
having been robbed of my horse and apparel, and my story 
was confirmed by the two shepherds. He continued smok- 
ing his pipe all the time I was speaking ; but a had no sooner 
finished, than taking his pipe from his mouth, and tossing 
up the sleeve of his cloak with an indignant air, " sit down," 
said he, " you shall have everything restored to you ; I have 
" sworn it — >And then turning to an attendant, " give the 
" white man," said he, « a draught of water ; and with the 
" first light of the morning, go over the hills, and inform 
" the Booty of Bammalioo, that a poor white man, the king 
" of Bambarra's stranger, has been robbed by the king of 
" Fooladoo's people." 

I little expected, in my forlorn condition, to meet with a 
man who could thus feel for my sufferings. I heartily 
thanked the Mansa for his kindness, and accepted his invi- 
tation to remain with him until the return of the messen- 
ger, I was conducted into a hut, and had some victuals 
sent me, but the crowd of people which assembled to see 
me, all of whom commiserated my misfortunes, and vented 
imprecations against the Foulahs, prevented me from sleep- 
ing until past midnight. Two days I remained without hear- 
ing any intelligence of my horse or clothes ; and as there 
was at this time a great scarcity of provisions, approaching 
even to famine all over this part of the country, I 
was unwilling to trespass any farther on the Mansa's gene- 
rosity, and begged permission to depart to the next village. 
Finding me very anxious to proceed, he told me that I 
might go as far as a town called Wonda, where he hoped I 
would remain a few days, until I heard some account of my 
horse, Sec. 

I departed accordingly on the next morning of the 28th, 
and stopped at some small villages for refreshment. I was 
presented at one of them with a dish which I had never be- 
fore seen. It was composed of the blossoms or anther <s of 
the maize, stewed in milk and water. It is eaten only in 
time of great scarcity. On the 30th, about noon, I ar- 
rived at Wonda, a small town with a mosque, and surround- 
ed by a high wall. The Mansa, who was a Mahomedan? 
acted in two capacities ; as chief magistrate of the town, and 
schoolmaster to the children. He kept his school in an 
open shed, where I was desired to take up my lodging, un- 
til some account should arrive from Sibidooloo, concerning 



134 



TRAVELS IN THE 



my horse and clothes ; for though the horse was of little 
use to me, yet the few clothes were essential. The little 
raiment upon me could neither protect me from the sun by 
day, nor the dews and musketoesby night ; indeed, my shirt 
was not only worn thin like a piece of muslin, but withal was 
so very dirty, that I was happy to embrace an opportunity 
of washing it ; which having done and spread it upon a bush, 
I sat down naked in the shade, until it was dry. 

Ever since the commencement of the rainy season my 
health had been greatly on the decline. I had often been 
fleeted with slight paroxysms of fever, and from the time 
of leaving Bammakoo the symptoms had considerably in- 
creased. As I was sitting in the manner described, the fev- 
er returned with such violence, that it very much alarmed 
>ne ; the more so, as I had no medicine to stop its progress, 
nor any hope of obtaining that care and attention which my 
situation required. 

I remained at Wonda nine days, during which time I 
experienced the regular return of the fever every day. 
And though I endeavoured as much as possible to conceal 
my distress from my landlord, and frequently lay down the 
whole day out of sight, in a field of corn, conscious how 
hurthensome I was to him and his family, in a time of such 
^reat scarcity, yet I found that he was apprized of my situa- 
tion ; and one morning as I feigned to be asleep by the fire, 
lie observed to his wife, that they were likely to find me a 
very troublesome and chargeable guest, for that, in my 
present sickly state, they should be obliged, for the sake of 
'.heir good name, to maintain me until I recovered, or died. 

The scarcity of provisions was certainly felt at this time 
most severely by the poor people, as the folio wing circum- 
stance most painfully convinced me. Every evening dur- 
ing my stay, I observed five or six women come to the Man- 
a's house, and receive each of them a certain quantity of 
corn. As I knew how valuable this article was at this junc- 
ture, I inquired of the Mansa, whether he maintained these 
poor women from pure bounty, or expected a return when 
the harvest should be gathered in. " Observe that boy," 
raid he, pointing to a fine child about five years of age, " his 
6i mother has sold him to me, for forty days provision for 
herself and the rest of her family. I have bought an- 
H other boy in the same manner." Good God, thought I, 
• hat must a mother suffer before she sells her own child ! 



INTERIOR OF AFRICA. 



185 



I could not get this melancholy subject out of my mind, 
and the next night, when the women returned for their al- 
lowance, I desired the boy to point out to me his mother, 
which he did. She was much emaciated, but had nothing 
cruel or savage in her countenance, and when she had re- 
ceived her corn, she came and talked to her son with as 
much cheerfulness, as if he had still been under her care. 

September 6th. Two people arrived from Sibidooioo* 
bringing with them my horse and clothes; but I found that 
my pocket compass was broken to pieces. This was a greac 
loss, which I could not repair. 

September 7th. As my horse was grazing near the brink 
of a weli r the ground gave way, and he fell in. The well 
was about ten feet diameter, and so very deep, that when I 
saw my horse snorting in the water, I thought it was im- 
possible to save him. The inhabitants of the village, how- 
ever, immediately assembled, and having tied together a 
number of withes,* they lowered a man down into the 
well, who fastened those withes round the body of the horse, 
and the people, having first drawn up the man, took hold of 
the withes, and to my surprise pulled the horse out with 
the greatest facility. The poor animal was now reduced to 
a mere skeleton, and the roads were scarcely passable, be- 
ing either very rocky, or else full of mud and water; I there- 
fore found it impracticable to travel with him any farther, and 
was happy to leave him in the hands of one who I thought 
would take care of him. I accordingly presented him to 
my landlord ; and desired him to send my saddle and bridle 
as a present to the Mansa of Sibidooloo, being the only re- 
turn I could make him, for having taken so much trouble 
in procuring my horse and clothes. 

I now thought it necessary, sick as I was, to take leave 
of my hospitable landlord. On the morning of Sept. 8th, 
when I was about to depart, he presented me with his spear 
as a token of remembrance, and a leather bag to contain my 
clothes. Having converted my half boots into sandals, I 
travelled with more ease, and slept that night at a village 
called BallanU. On the 9th I reached Nemacoo ; but the 
Mansa of the village thought fit to make me sup upon the 
camelion's dish. By way of apology, however, he assured 
me the next morning, that the scarcity of corn was such, 
that he could not possibly allow me any. I could not accus-e 

* Froma^Ir.rt called •;. *»sa, that elixirs a vise upon the trees. 
Q 2 



TRAVELS IN THE 



him of unkindness, as all the people actually appeared to 
be starving-. 

Sept. 10th. It rained hard all day, and the people kept 
themselves in their huts. In the afternoon I was visited by 
u Negro, named Modi Lemina Taura, a great trader, who, 
suspecting my distress, brought me some victuals, and prom- 
ised to conduct me to his own house at Kinyeto the day fol- 
lowing. 

Sept. 11th. I departed from Nemacoo, and arrived at 
Kinyeto in the evening ; but having hurt my ankle in ths 
way, it swelled and inflamed so much, that 1 could neither 
walk nor set my foot to the ground the next day, without 
great pain. My landlord observing this, kindly invited me 
to stay with him a few days, and l accordingly remained at 
his house until the 14th, by which time I felt much reliev- 
ed, and could walk with the help of a staff. I now set out, 
thanking my landlord for his great care and attention ; and 
being accompanied by a young man who was travelling the 
same way, I proceeded for Jerijang, a beautiful and well cul- 
tivated district, the Mansa of which is reckoned the most 
powerful chief of any in Manding. 

On the 15th I reached Dosita, a large town, where I stay- 
ed one day on account of the rain, but I continued verysick- 
jy, and was slightly delirious in the night. On the 17th I 
set out for Mansia, a considerable town, where small quan- 
tities of gold are collected. The road led over a high rocky 
hill, and my strength and spirits were so much exhausted, 
that before I could reach the top of the hill, I was forced to 
lie down three times, being very faint and sickly. I reach- 
ed Mansia in the afternoon. The Mansa of this town had 
the character of being very inhospitable ; he, however, sent 
me a little corn for my supper, but demanded something in 
return ; and when I assured him that I had nothing of va- 
• ue in my possession, he told me, as if in jest, that my white 
.skin should not defend me, if I told him lies. He then 
shewed me the hut wherein I was to sleep, but took away 
my spear, saying k should -be returned to me in the morn- 
ing. This trifling circumstance, when joined to the char- 
acter I had heard of the man, made me rather suspicious of 
him, and I privately desired one of the inhabitants of the 
place, who had a bow and quiver, to sleep in the same hut 
with me. About midnight I heard somebody approach the 
•\ and observing the moonlight strike suddenly into t>he 



INTERIOR OF AFRICA. 



137 



hut, I started up, and saw a roan stepping cautiously over 
the threshold. I immediately snatched up the Negro's 
bow and quiver, the rattling of which made the man with- 
draw ; and my companion looking out, assured me that it 
was the Mansa himself, and advised me to keep awake un- 
til morning. I closed the door and placed a large piece of 
wood behind it, and was wondering at this unexpected visit, 
when somebody pressed so hard against the door, that the 
Negro could hardly keep it shut. But when I called upon 
him to open the door, the intruder ran off, as before. 

Sept. 15th. As soon as it was light, the Negro, at my re- 
quest, went to the Mansa's house and brought away my 
spear. He told me that the Mansa was asleep, and lest this 
inhospitable chief should devise means to detain me, he ad- 
vised me to set out before he was awake ; which I immedi- 
ately did, and about two o'clock reached Kamalia, a small 
town, situated at the bottom of some rocky hills, where the 
inhabitants collect gold in considerable quantities. The 
Bushreens here live apart from the Kafirs, and have built 
their huts in a scattered manner, at a short distance from 
the town. They have a place set apart for performing their 
devotions in, to which they give the name of missura, or 
mosque ; but it is in fact nothing more than a square piece 
of ground made level, and surrounded with the trunks of 
trees, having a small projection towards the east, where the 
Marraboo, or priest, stands, when he calls the people to 
prayers. Mosques of this construction are very common 
among the converted Negroes ; but having neither walls nor 
roof, they can only be used in fine weather. When it rains 
the Bushreens perform their devotions in their huts. 

On my arrival at Kamalia, I was conducted to the house 
of a Bushreen named Karfa Tauia, the brother of him to 
whose hospitality I was indebted at Kinyeto. He was col- 
lecting a coffle of slaves, with a view to sell them to the Eu- 
ropeans on the Gambia, as soon as the rains should be over. 
I found him sitting in his baloon, surrounded by several SJa- 
tees, who proposed to join the cofrle. He was reading to 
them from an Arabic book, and inquired with a smile if I 
understood it ? Being answered in the negative, he desired 
one of the Slatees to fetch the little curious book, which 
had been brought from the west country. On opening this 
small volume, I was surprised and delighted, to find it our 
Book of Common Prayer $ and Karfa expressed great joy 



185 TRAVELS IN THE 

to hear that I could read it ; for some of the Slatees who 
had seen the Europeans upon the coast, observing the col- 
our of my skin, which was now become very yellow from 
sickness, my long beard, ragged clothes, and extreme pov- 
erty, were unwilling to admit that I was a white man, and 
told Karfa that they suspected I was some Arab in disguise. 
Karfa, however, perceiving that I could read this book, had 
no doubt concerning me, and kindly promised me every as- 
sistance in his power. At the same time he informed me, 
that it was impossible to cross the Jalonka wilderness, for 
many months yet to come, as no less than eight rapid rivers, 
he said, lay in the way. He added, that he intended to set 
out himself for Gambia as soon as the rivers were fordable, 
and the grass burnt, and advised me to stay and accompany 
him. He remarked, that when a caravan of the natives 
could not travel through the country, it was idle for a sin- 
gle white man to attempt it. I readily admitted, that such 
an attempt was an act of rashness, but i assured him that I 
had now no alternative, for having no money to support my- 
self, I must either beg my subsistence by travelling from 
place to place, or perish for want. Karfa now looked at 
me with great earnestness, and inquired if I could eat the 
common victuals of the country, assuring me he had never 
before seen a white mam He added, that if I would remain 
with him until the rains were over, he would give me plen- 
ty of victuals in the mean time, and a hut to sleep in, and 
that after he had conducted me in safety to the Gambia, I 
might then make him what return I thought proper. I ask- 
ed him if the value of one prime slave would satisfy him : 
He answered in the affirmative, and immediately ordered 
one of the huts to be swept for my accommodation. Thus 
was I delivered, by the friendly care of this benevolent Ne- 
gro, from a situation truly deplorable. Distress and famine 
pressed hard upon me ; I had before me the gloomy wilds 
of Jalonkadoo, where the traveller sees no habitation for five 
successive days. I had observed at a distance the rapid 
course of the river Kokoro ; I had almost marked out the 
place, where I was doomed, I thought, to perish, when this 
friendly Negro stretched out his hospitable hand for my re- 
lief. 

In the hut which was appropriated for me, I was provided 
vith a mat to sleep on, an earthen jar for holding water, and 
a small calabash to drink out of> and Karfa sentme from his 



INTERIOR OF AFRICA. 



169 



own dwelling, two meals a day, and ordered his slaves to 
supply me with fire-wood and water. But I found that nei- 
ther the kindness of Karfa, nor any sort of accommodation, 
could put a stop to the fever which weakened me, and which 
became every day more alarming. I endeavoured as much 
as possible to conceal my distress ; but on the third day after 
my arrival, as I was going with Karfa to visit some of his 
friends, I found myself so faint that I could scarcely walk, 
and before we reached the place, I staggered, and fell into 
a pit from which the clay had been taken to build one of the 
huts. Karfa endeavoured to console me with the hopes of 
a speedy recovery, assuring me, that if J would not walkout 
in the wet, I should soon be well. I determined to follow 
his advice, and confine myself to my hut ; but was still tor- 
mented with the fever, and my health continued to be in a 
very precarious state for five ensuing weeks. Sometimes I 
could crawl out of the hut, and sit a few hours in the open 
air ; at other times I was unable to rise, and passed the ling- 
ering hours in a very gloomy and solitary manner. I was 
seldom visited by any person except my benevolent land- . 
lord, who came daily to inquire after my health. When the 
rains became less frequent, and the country began to grow 
dry, the fever left me, but in so debilitated a condition, that I 
could scarcely stand upright ; and it was with great difficul- 
ty, that I could carry my mat to the shade of a tamarind tree 
at a short distance, to enjoy the refreshing smell of the corn 
fields, and delight my eyes with a prospect of the country. 
I had the pleasure, at length, to find myself in a state of con* 
valescence ; towards which, the benevolent and simple man- 
ners of the Negroes, and the perusal of Karfa's little vol- 
ume greatly contributed. 

In the mean time, many of the Slatecs who resided at 
Kamalia, having spent all their money, and become in a 
great measure dependent upon Karfa's hospitality, beheld 
me with an eye of envy, and invented many ridiculous and 
trifling stories to lessen me in Karfa's esteem : And in the 
beginning of December, a Sera Woolli vSlatee, with five 
slaves, arrived from Sego ; this man, too, spread a number 
of malicious reports concerning me, but Karfa paid no atten- 
tion to them, and continued to shew me the same kindness 
as formerly. As I was one day conversing with the slaves 
which this Slatee had brought, one of them begged me to 
give him some victuals. I told him I was a stranger, and 



190 



TRAVELS IN THE 



had none to give. He replied, " I gave you victuals when 
« you was hungry. Have you forgot the man who brought 
M you milk at Karraakaila ? But," added he with a sigh, 
? the irons were not then upon my legs /" I immediately 
recollected him, and begged some ground-nuts from Karfa 
to give him, as a return for his former kindness. He told 
me that he had been taken by the Bambarrans the day after 
the battle of Joka, and sent to Sego, where he had been pur- 
chased by his present master, who was carrying him down 
to Kajaaga. Three more of these slaves were from Kaarta* 
and one from Wassela, all of them prisoners of war. They 
stopped four days at Kamalia, and were then taken to Bala t 
•where they remained until the river Kokoro was fordable, 
and the grass burnt. 

In the beginning of December, Karfa proposed to com- 
plete his purchase of slaves, and for this purpose collected 
all the debts which were owing to him in his own country ; 
and on the 19th, being accompanied by three Slatees, he de- 
parted for Kancaba, a large town on the banks of the Niger, 
and a great slave market. Most of the slaves who are sold 
at Kancaba come from Bambarra, for Mansong, to avoid the 
cxpence and danger of keeping all his prisoners at Sego, 
commonly sends them in small parties, to be sold at the dif- 
ferent trading towns, and as Kancaba is much resorted to 
by merchants, it is always well supplied with slaves, which 
are sent thither up the Niger in canoes. When Karfa de- 
parted from Kamalia, he proposed to return in the course of 
a month, and during his absence I was left to the care of a 
good old Bushreen, who acted as schoolmaster to the young 
people of Kamalia. 

Being now left alone, and at leisure to indulge my own re- 
flections, it was an opportunity not to be neglected, of aug- 
menting and extending the observations I had already made 
on the climate and productions of the country : and of ac- 
quiring a more perfect knowledge of the natives, than it was 
possible for me to obtain in the course of a transient and per- 
ilous journey through the country. I endeavoured likewise 
to collect all the information I could, concerning those im- 
portant blanches of African commerce, the trade for gold, 
ivory, and slaves. Such was my employment during the re- 
mainder of my stay at Kamalia, and I shall now proceed to 
lay before my readers the result of my researches and inqui- 



INTERIOR OF AFRICA. 



191 



ries, avoiding as far as I can, a repetition of those circum- 
stances and observations, which were related, as occasion 
arose in the narrative of my journey. 



CHAPTER XX. 

Of the climate and seasons. Winds. Vegetable produc- 
tions. Population. General observations on the charac- 
ter and disposition of the Mandingoes ; and a summary 
account of their manners^ habits of life } their marriages* 
&c. Ufc. 

Th E whole of my route both in going and returning, hav- 
ing been confined to a tract of country bounded nearly by 
the 12th and 1 5th parallels of latitude, the reader must im* 
agine, that I found the climate in most places extremely 
hot ; but no where did I feel the heat so intense and op- 
pressive as in the camp at Benowm, of which mention has 
been made in a former place. In some parts, where the 
country ascends into hills, the air is at all times compara- 
tively cool ; yet none of the districts which I traversed could 
properly be called mountainous. About the middle of 
June, the hot and sultry atmosphere is agitated by violent 
gusts of wind, called tornadoes, accompanied with thunder 
and rain. These usher in what is denominated the rainy 
season, which continues until the month of November.— 
During this time the diurnal rains are very heavy, and the 
prevailing winds are from the south-west. The termina- 
tion of the rainy season is likewise attended with violent 
tornadoes ; after which the wind shifts to the north-east, 
and continues to blow from that quarter during the rest of 
the year. 

When the wind sets in from the north-east, it produces a 
wonderful change in the face of the country: The grass 
spon becomes dry and withered, the rivers subside very ra- 
pidly, and many of the trees shed their leaves. About this 
period is CGmmonly felt the harmattan, and dry and parch- 
ing wind, blowing from the north-east, and accompanied 



192 



TRAVELS IN THE 



by a thick smoky haze, through which the sun appears of a 
dull red colour. This wind, in passing over the great de- 
sert of Sahara, acquires a very strong attraction for humidi- 
ty, and parches up every thing exposed to its current. It 
is, however, reckoned very salutary, particularly to Euro- 
peans, who generally recover their health during its con- 
tinuance. I experienced immediate relief from sickness, 
both at Dr. Laidley's and Kamalia, during the harmattan. 
Indeed, the air during the rainy season is so loaded with 
moisture, that clothes, shoes, trunks, and every thing that 
is not close to the fire, become damp and mouldly, and 
the inhabitants may be said to live in a sort of vapour bath ; 
but this dry wind braces up the solids, which were before 
relaxed, gives a cheerful flow of spirits, and is even pleasant 
to respiration. Its ill effects are, that it produces cnaps in 
the lips, andafHicts many of the natives with sore eyes. 

Whenever the grass is sufficiently dry the Negroes set it 
on fire ; but in Ludamar, and other Moorish countries, this 
practice is not allowed, for it is upon the withered stubble, 
that the Moors feed their cattle until the return ot the 
ruins. The burning the grass in Manding exhibits a scene 
of terrific grandeur. In the middle of the night I could 
see the plains and mountains, as far as my eye could reach, 
variegated with lines of fire, and the light reflected on the 
sky, made the heavens appear in a blaze. In the day time, 
pillars of smoke were seen in every direction, while the 
birds of prey were observed hovering round the conflagra- 
tion and pouncing down upon the snakes, lizards, and other 
reptiles, which attempted to escape from the flames. This 
annual burning is soon followed by a fresh and sweet verdure 
and the country is thereby rendered more healthful and 
pleasant. 

Of the most remarkable and important of the vegetable 
productions, mention has already been made, and they are 
nearly the same in all the districts through which I passed. 
It is observable, however, that although many species of the 
edible roots which grow in the West-India Islands, are 
found in Africa, yet I never saw in any part of my journey, 
either the sugar-cane, the coffee, or the cacao tree, nor could 
I learn on inquiry, that they were known to the natives. — 
The pine-apple, and the thousand other delicious fruits, 
which the industry of civilized men, improving the boun- 
ties of nature, has brought to so greaj: perfection in the 



INTERIOR OF AFRICA. 



193 



tropical climates of America, are here equally unknown. 
I observed indeed, a few orange and banana trees near the 
mouth of the Gambia; but whether they were indigenous, 
or were formerly planted there by some of the white tra- 
ders, I could not positively learn. I suspect, that they 
were originally introduced by the Portuguese. 

Concerning property in the soil, it appeared to me, that 
the lands in native woods, were considered as belonging to 
the king, or, where the government was not monarchical, 
to the state. When any individual of free condition had 
the means of cultivating more land than he actually posses- 
sed, he applied to the chief man of the district, who allow- 
ed him an extension of territory, on condition of forfeiture, 
if the lands were not brought into cultivation by a given 
period. The condition being fulfilled, the soil became 
vested in the possessor ; and for aught that appeared to me, 
descended to his heirs. 

The population however, considering the extent and fer- 
tility of the soil, and the ease with which lands are obtained, 
is not very great in the countries which I visited. I found 
many extensive and beautiful districts entirely destitute of 
inhabitants ; and in general, the borders of the different 
kingdoms were either very thinly peopled, or entirely de- 
serted. Many places are likewise unfavourable to popu- 
lation from being unhealthful. The swampy banks of the 
Gambia, the Senegal, and other rivers towards the coast, 
are of this description. Perhaps it is on this account chief- 
ly, that the interior countries abound more with inhabitants 
than the maritime districts; for all the Negro nations that 
fell under my observation, though divided into a number of 
petty independent states, subsist chiefly by the same means, 
live nearly in the same temperature, and possess a wonder- 
ful similarity of disposition. The Mandingoes, in particu- 
lar, are a very gentle race, cheerful in their dispositions, 
inquisitive, credulous, simple and fond of flattery. Per- 
haps the most prominent defect in their character, was that 
insurmountable propensity, which the reader must have ob- 
served to prevail in all classes of them, to steal from ms 
the effects I was possessed of. For this part of their con- 
duct no complete justification can be offered, because, theft 
is a crime in their own estimation ; and it must be observed, 
that they are not habitually and generally guilty of it to- 
wards each other. This however, is an important circum- 

R 



:04, 



TRAVELS IN THE 



stance in mitigation ; and before we pronounce them a more 
depraved people than any other, it were well to consider 
whether the lower order of people in any part of Europe 
would have acted, under similar circumstances, with grea- 
ter honesty towards a stranger, than the Negroes acted to- 
wards me. It must not be forgotten, that the laws of the 
country afforded me no protection ; that every one was at 
liberty to rob me withimpunity ; and finally, that some part 
of my effects were of as great value, in the estimation of 
the Negroes, as pearls and diamonds would have been in 
the eyes of an European. Eet us suppose, a black mer- 
chant of Hindostan to have found his way into the centre of 
England with a box of jewels at his back, and that the laws 
of the kingdom afforded him no security ; in such a case 
the wonder would be, not that the stranger was robbed of 
any part of his riches, but that any part was left for a second 
depredator. Such, on sober reflection, is the judgment I 
have formed, concerning the pilfering disposition of the 
Mandingo Negroes towards myself. Notwithstanding I 
%yas so great a sufferer by it, I do not consider that their 
natural sense of justice was perverted or extinguished ; it 
was overpowered only, for the moment, by the strength of 
a temptation, which it required no common virtue to resist. 

On the other hand, as some counterbalance to this depra- 
vity in their nature, allowing it to be such, it is impossible 
for me to forget the disinterested charity, and tender solici- 
tude, with which many of these poor heathens, from the 
sovereign of Sego, to the poor women who received me at 
different times into their cottages, when I was perishing of 
hunger, sympathized with me in my sufferings, relieved my 
distresses, and contributed to my safety. This acknow- 
ledgement however, is perhaps more particularly due to 
the female part of the nation. Among the men, as the 
reader must have seen, my reception, though generally kind, 
was sometimes otherwise. It varied according to the vari- 
ous tempers of those to whom I made application. The 
hardness of avarice in some, and the blindness of bigotry in 
others, had closed up the avenues to compassion; but ) do 
not recollect a single instance of hard-heartedness towards 
me in the women. In all my wanderings and wretchedness, 
I found them uniformly kind and compassionate ; and I can 
truly say, as my predecessor, Mr. Ledyard^ has eloquently 
said before me; " To a woman, I never addressed myself 



INTERIOR OF AFRICA. 



w in the language of decency and friendship, without receiving 
u a decent and friendly answer. If 1 was hungry, or thirsty, 
" wet, or sick, they did not hesitate, like the men, to per- 
" form a generous action. In so free and so kind a man- 
u ner did they contribute to my relief, that if I was dry, I 
" drank the sweetest draught ; and if hungry, I eat the 
" coarsest morsel with a double relish." 

It is* surely reasonable to suppose, that the soft and amia* 
ble sympathy of nature, which was thus spontaneously mani- 
fested towards me in my distress, is displayed by these poor 
people, as occasion requires, much more strongly towards 
persons of their own nation and neighbourhood, and espe- 
cially, when the objects of their compassion are endeared to 
them by the ties of consanguinity. Accordingly, the ma- 
ternal affection, neither suppressed by the restraints noc 
diverted by the solicitudes of civilized life, is every where 
conspicuous among them, and creates a correspondent re- 
turn of tenderness in the child. An illustration of this has 
already been given. " Strike me," said my attendant, " but 
« do not curse my mother." The same sentiment I found 
universally to prevail, and observed in all parts of Africa, 
that the greatest affront which could be offered to a Negro, 
was to reflect on her who gave him birth. 

It is not strange that this sense of filial duty and affection 
among the Negroes, should be less ardent towards the father 
than the mother. The system of polygamy, while it weak- 
ens the father's attachment, by dividing it among the chil- 
dren of different wives, concentrates all the mother's jealous 
tenderness to one point, the protection of her own offspring. 
I perceived with great satisfaction too, that the maternal so - 
licitude extended not only to the growth and security of the 
person, but also, in a certain degree, to the improvement of 
the mind of the infant, for one of the first lessons in which 
the Mandingo women instruct their children, is the practice 
of truth. The reader will probably recollect the case of the 
unhappy mother, whose son was murdered by the Moorish 
banditti at Funingkedy, see p. 85. Her only consolation, 
in her uttermost distress, was the reflection, that the poor 
boy, in the course of his blameless life, he never told a lie. 
Such testimony from a fond mother on such an occasion, 
must have operated powerfully on the youthful part of the 
surrounding spectators. It was at once a tribete of praise 
to the deceased* and a lesson to the living. 



196 



TRAVELS IN THE 



The Negro women suckle their children until they are 
able to walk of themselves. Three years nursing is not un- 
common, and during this period the husband devotes his 
whole attention to his other wives. To this practice it is 
owing, I presume, that the family of each wife is seldom 
very numerous. Few women have more than five or six 
children. As soon as an infant is able to walk, it is permit- 
ted to run about with great freedom. The- mother is not 
over solicitous to preserve it from slight falls, and other 
trifling accidents. A little practice soon enables a child to 
take care of itself, and experience acts the part of a nurse. 
As they advance in life, the girls are taught to spin cotton, 
and to beat corn, and are instructed in other domestic du- 
ties, and the boys are employed in the labours of the 
field. Both sexes, whether Bushreens or Kafirs, on at- 
taining the age of puberty, are circumcised. This painful 
operation is not considered by the Kafirs so much in the 
light 01 a religious ceremony, as a matter of convenience 
and utility. They have indeed a superstitious notion, that 
it contributes to render the marriage state prolific. The ope- 
ration is performed upon several young people at the same 
time, all of whom are exempted from every sort of labour 
for two months afterwards. During this period they form a 
society, called Solimana. They visit the towns and villages 
in the neighbourhood, where they dance and sing, and are 
^vell treated by the inhabitants. I had frequently, in the 
course of my journey, observed parties of this description, 
but they were all males. I had however, an opportunity of 
seeing a female Solimana at Kamalia. 

In the course of this celebration it frequently happens, 
that some of the young women get married. If a man takes 
a fancy to any one of them, it is not considered as absolutely 
necessary that he should make an overture to the girl herself. 
The first object is to agree with the parents concerning the 
recompence to begiven them, for the loss of the company 
und services of their daughter. The value of two slaves is 
a common price, unless the girl is thought very handsome, 
in which case, the parents will raise in their demand very 
considerably. If the lover is rich enough, and willing to 
give the sum demanded, he then communicates his wishes 
lo the damsel ; but her consent is by no means necessary to 
the match, ftr if the parents agree to it, and eat a few kcl- 
ianut-3) which are presented by the suitor as an earnest of 



INTERIOR OF AFRICA. 



the bargain, the young lady must, either have the man of 
their choice, or continue unmarried, for she cannot after- 
wards be given to another. If the parents should attempt 
it, the lover is then authorized, by the laws of the country, 
to seize upon the girl as his slave. When the day for cele- 
brating the nuptials is fixed on, a select number of people 
are invited to be present at the wedding ; a bullock or goat 
is killed, and great plenty of victuals dressed for the occa^ 
sion. As soon as it is dark the bride is conducted into a 
hut, where a company of matrons assist in arranging the 
wedding dress, which is always white cotton, and is put on 
in such a manner, as to conceal the bride from head to foot. 
Thus arrayed, she is seated upon a mat in the middle of the 
floor, and the old women place themselves in a circle round 
her. They then give her a series of instructions, and point 
out with great propriety* what ought to be her future con- 
duct in life. This scene of instruction, however, is fre- 
quently interrupted by girls, who amuse the company with 
songs and dances, which are rather more remarkable for 
their gaiety than delicacy. While the bride remains with- 
in the hut with the women, the bridegroom devotes his at- 
tention to the guests of both sexes, who assemble without 
doors* and by distributing among them small presents of Kol- 
lanuts, and seeing that every one partakes of the good cheer 
which is provided he contributes much to the general hilarity 
of the evening. When supper is ended, the company spend 
the remainder of the night in singing and dancing, and sel- 
dom separate until daybreak. About midnight, the bride 
is privately conducted by the women into the hut which is 
to be her future residence-, and the bridegroom* upon a sig- 
nal given, retires from his company. The new married 
couple however, are always disturbed towards morning by 
the women, wha assemble to inspect the nuptial sheet, ac- 
cording to the manners of the ancient Hebrews as recorded 
in scripture, and dance round it. The ceremony is thought 
indispensably necessary ; nor is the marriage considered as 
valid withput it. 

The Negroes* as hath been frequently observed, whether 
Mahomedan or Pagan, allow a plurality of wives. The Ma- 
homedans alone, are by their religion cdnfined to four ; and 
as the husband commonly pays a grSat price for each, he 
requires from all of them the utmost deference and sub- 
mission; and treats them more like hired servants than qqvz- 

R % 



198 



TRAVELS IN THE 



panions. They have, however, the management of domes- 
tic affairs, and each in rotation is mistress of the household, 
and has the care of dressing the victuals, overlooking the fe- 
male slaves, 8cc. But though the African husbands are pos- 
sessed of great authority over their wives, I did not observe 
that in general they treat them with cruelty ; neither did I 
perceive that mean jealousy in their dispositions, which is 
so prevalent among the Moors. They permit their wives 
to partake of all public diversions* and this indulgence is 
seldom abused ; for though the Negro women are very 
cheerful and frank in their behaviour, they are by no means 
given to intrigue ; 1 believe that instances of conjugal infi- 
delity are not common. When the wives quarrel among 
themselves, a circumstance, which, from the nature of their 
situation must frequently happen, the husband decides be- 
tween them, and sometimes finds it necessary to administer 
a little corporal chastisement, before tranquility can be re- 
stored. But if any one of the ladies complains to the chief 
of the town, that her husband had unjustly punished her, and 
shewn an undue partiality to some other of his wives, the 
affair is brought to a public trial. In these palavers, how- 
ever, which are conducted chiefly by married men, I was 
informed, that the complaint of the wife is not always con- 
sidered in a very serious light ; and the complainant her- 
self is sometimes convicted of strife and contention, and left 
without remedy. Tf she murmurs at the decision of the 
court, the magic rod of Mumbo Jumbo soon puts an end to 
the business. 

The children of the Mandingoes are not always named af- 
ter their relations, but frequently in consequence of some 
remarkable occurrence. Thus, my landlord at Kamalia, 
•was called Karfa, a word signifying to replace ; because he 
was born shortly after the death of one of his brothers. — 
Other names are descriptive of good or bad qualities ; as 
Modi, " a good man Fadibbi, " father of the town," &c. 
Indeed the very names of their towns have something de- 
scriptive in them ; as Sibidooloo, " the town of ciboa trees 
Kenneyetoo, " victuals here Dosita, " lift your spoon." — 
Others appear to be given by way ot reproach ; as Bamma- 
koo, " wash a crocodile Karrankalla, " no cup to drink 
from," Sec. A child is named when it is seven or eight 
lays old. The ceremony commences by shaving the infant's 
head ; and a dish called Dega* made of poundsd corn and 



INTERIOR OF AFRICA, 



sour milk, is prepared for the guests. If the parents are 
rich, a sheep or a goat is commonly added. This feast is cal- 
led Ding koon lee, « the child's head shaving." During my 
stay at Kamalia I was present ac four different feasts of this 
kind, and the ceremony was the same in each, whether the 
child belonged to a Bushreen or a Kafir. The schoolmas- 
ter, who officiated as priest on those occasions, and who is 
necessarily a Bushreen, first said a long prayer over the de- 
ga ; during which, every person present took hold of the 
brim of the calabash with his right hand. After this, the 
schoolmaster took the child in his arms, and said a second 
prayer, in which he repeatedly solicited the blessing of God 
upon the child, and upon all the company. When this pray- 
er was ended he whispered a few sentences in the child r s 
ear, and spit three times in its face ; after which he pro- 
nounced its name aloud, and returned the infant to its moth- 
er. This part of the ceremony being ended, the father of 
the child divided the dega into a number of balls, one of 
which he distributed to every person present. An inquiry 
was then made, if any person in the town was dangerously 
sick, it being usual in such cases, to send the party a large 
portion of the dega, which is thought to possess great med- 
ical virtues. 

Among the Negroes, every individual, besides his own 
proper name, has likewise a kontong, or surname, to denote 
the family or clan to which he belongs. Some of these fam- 
ilies are very numerous and powerful. It is impossible to 
enumerate the various kentongs which are found in differ- 
ent parts of the country ; though the knowledge of many of 
them is of great service to the traveller ; for as ^very Negro 
plumes himself upon the importance or the antiquity of his 
clan, he is much flattered when he is addressed by his kon- 
tong. 

Salutations among the Negroes to each other, when they 
meet, are always observed ; but those in most general use, 
among the Kafirs, are, Abbe hacretto — Ening seni — inawa- 
ri, kc. all of which have nearly the same meaning, and sig- 
nify, are you well, or to that effect. There are likewise sal- 
utations which are used at different times of the day, as En- 
ing sotuo, good morning, &c. The general answer to all sal- 
utations, is to repeat the kontong of the person who salutes, 
or else to repeat the salutation itself, first pronouncing the 
word marhaba-) my friend. 



200 



TRAVELS IN THE 



CHAPTER XXI, 

Account of the Mandingoes continued. Their notions con- 
cerning the filanetary bodies and the figure of the earth, 
Religious o/iinions. Diseases and their methods of treat- 
ment. Funeral ceremonies. Amusements, occupations, 
arts, manufactures) ifc. 

The Mandingoes, and I believe the Negroes in general, 
have no artificial method of dividing time. They calculate 
the years by the number of rainy seasons. They portion 
the year into moons, and reckon the days by so many suns. 
The day they divide into morning, mid-day, and evening ; 
and further subdivide it, when necessary, by pointing to the 
sun's place in the Heavens. 1 frequently inquired of some 
of them, what became of the sun during the night, and whe- 
ther we should see the same sun, or a different one, in the 
morning ; but I found that they considered the question as 
very childish. The subject appeared to them as placed be- 
yond the reach of human investigation ; they had never in- 
dulged a conjecture, nor formed any hypothesis about the 
matter. The moon, by varying her form, has more attract- 
ed their attention : On the first appearance of the new moon, 
which they look upon to be newly created, the Pagan na- 
tives, as well as Mahomedans, say a short prayer ; and this 
seems to be the only visible adoration which the Kafirs offer 
up to the Supreme Being. This prayer is pronounced in a 
whisper, the party holding up his hands before his face ; its 
purport, as I have been assured by many different people, is 
to return thanks to God for his kindness through the exist- 
ence of the past moon, and to solicit a continuance %i his fa- 
vour during that of.the new one. At the conclusion they 
spit upon their hands, and rub them over their faces. This 
seems to be nearly the same ceremony, which prevailed 
among the Heathens in the days of Job.* 

Great attention, however, is paid to the changes of this 
luminary, in its monthly course, and it is thought very un- 
lucky to begin a journey, or any other work of consequence 5 
in the last quarter. An eclipse, whether of the sun or moon 

P Chapter xxxi, Yerse 26, 27, 28. 



INTERIOR OF AFRICA. 



2CI 



is supposed to be effected by witchcraft. The stars arc 
very little regarded, and the whole study of astronomy ap- 
pears to them as a useless pursuit, and attended to by such 
persons only as dcA in magic. 

Their notions of geography are equally puerile. They 
imagine that the world is an extended plain, the termination 
of which no eye has discovered, it being, they say, overhung 
with clouds and darkness. They describe the sea as a large 
river of salt water, on the farther shore of which, is situated 
a country called Tobaubo doo>«ihe land of the white people/' 
At a distance from Tobaubo doo, they describe another coun- 
try, which they alledge is inhabited by cannibals of gigant- 
ic size called JCoomi. This country they call Jong sang doo y 
" the land where the slaves are sold." But of all countries 
in the world, their own appears to them as the best, their 
own people as the happiest, and they pity the fate of other 
nations, who have been placed by Providence in less fertile, 
and less fortunate districts. 

Some of the religious opinions of the Negroes, though 
blended with the weakest credulity and superstition, are not 
unworthy attention. I have conversed with all ranks and 
conditions upon the subject of their faith, and can pronounce, 
without the smallest shadow of doubt, that the belief of one 
God, and of a future state of reward and punishment, is en- 
tire and universal among them. It is remarkable however, 
that, except on the appearance of a new moon, as before re- 
lated, the Pagan natives do not think it necessary, to offer 
up prayers and supplications to the Almighty. They re- 
present the Deity, indeed, as the creator and preserver of 
all things ; but in general, they consider him as a Being so 
remote, and of so exalted a nature, that it is idle to imagine, 
the feeble supplications of wretched mortals can reverse 
the decrees, and change the purposes of unerring Wisdom. 
If they are asked, for what reason then do they offer up 
a prayer on the appearance of the new moon, the answer is, 
that custom has made it necessary ; they do it, because 
their fathers did so before them. Such is the blindness of 
unassisted nature ! The concerns of this world, they be- 
lieve, are committed by the Almighty to the superintend* 
ance and direction of subordinate spirits, over whom they 
suppose that certain magical ceremonies have great influ- 
ence. A white fowl suspended to the branch of a particu- 
lar tree j a snake's head, or a few handfuls of fruit, are of- 



202 



TRAVELS IN THE 



ferings which ignorance and superstition frequently pre- 
sent, to deprecate the wrath, or to conciliate the favour, of 
these tutelary agents. But it is not often, that the Negroes 
make their religious opinions the subject of conversation ; 
when interrogated in particular concerning their ideas of a 
future state, they express themselves with great reverence, 
but endeavour to shorten the discussion by observing — 7720 
o mo inta allo^ " no man knows any thing about it." They 
are content, they say, to follow the precepts and examples 
of their forefathers, through the various vicissitudes of life; 
and when this world presents no objects of enjoyment or of 
comfort, they seem to look with anxiety towards another, 
which they believe will be better suited to their natures ; 
but concerning which, they are far from indulging vain and 
delusive conjectures. 

The Mandingoes seldom attain extreme old age. At 
forty most of them become grey haired and covered with 
wrinkles ; and but few of them survive the age of fifty-five 1 , 
«r sixty. They calculate the years of their lives, as I have 
already observed, by the number of rainy seasons, there be- 
ing but one such in the year, and distinguish each year bya 
particular name, founded on some remarkable occurrence 
which happened in that year. Thus they say, the year of 
the Farbanna war ; the year of the Kaarta war ; the year 
on which Gadou was plundered) Vc. &c. and I have no 
doubt the year 1796 will in many places, be distinguished 
by the name of Tobaubo tambi sang, " the year the white 
man passed ;" as such an occurrence would naturally form 
an epoch in their traditional history. 

But notwithstanding that longevity is uncommon among 
them, it appeared to me, that their diseases are but few in 
number. Their simple diet, and active way of life, preserve 
them from many of those disorders which embitter the days 
of luxury and idleness. Fevers and fluxes are the most com- 
mon, and the most fatal For these they generally apply 
saphies to different parts of the body, and perform a great 
many other superstitious ceremonies; some of which are, 
indeed, well calculated to inspire the patient with the hope 
of recovery, and divert his mind from brooding over his own 
danger. But 1 have sometimes observed among them, a 
more systematic mode of treatment. On the first attack of 
a fever, when the patient complains of cold, he is frequent- 
ly placed in a soft of vapour bath ; this is done by spread- 



INTERIOR OF AFRICA. 



ing branches of the nauclea orienialis upon hot wood em- 
bers, and laying the patient upon them, wrapped up in a 
large cotton cloth. Water is then sprinkled upon the 
branches, which descending to the hot embers, soon covers 
the patient with a cloud of vapour, in which he is allowed 
to remain until the embers are almost extinguished. This 
practice commonly produces a profuse perspiration, and 
wonderfully relieves the sufferer. 

F©r the dysentery, they use the bark of different trees 
reduced to powder, and mixed with the patient's food; but 
ihis practice is in general very unsuccessful. 

The other diseases which prevail among the Negroes, 
are the yaws ; the elephantiasis ; and a lefirosy of the very 
worst kind. This last mentioned complaint appears, at the 
beginning, in scurfy spots upon different parts of the body, 
which finally settle upon the hands or feet, where the skin 
becomes whithertd, and cracks in many places. At length, 
the ends of the fingers swell and ulcerate; the discharge is 
acrid and foetid ; the nails drop off, and the bones of the 
fingers become carious and separate at the joints. In this 
manner the disease continues to spread, frequently until 
the patient loses all his fingers and toes : Even the hands 
and feet are sometimes destroyed by this inveterate malady, 
to which the Negroes give the name of balla jou y « incu- 
rable." 

The Guinea worm is likewise very common in certain 
places, especially at the commencement of the rainy sea- 
son. The Negroes attribute this disease, which has been 
described by many writers, to bad water, and alledge, that 
the people who drink from wells are more subject to it, 
than those who drink from streams. To the same cause, 
they attribute the swelling of the glands of the neck (goi- 
tres) which are very common in some parts of Bambara. — 
I observed also, in the interior countries, a few instances of 
simple gonnorrhoea, but never the confirmed lues. On the 
whole, it appeared to me, that the Negroes are better sur- 
geons than physicians. I found them very successful in 
their management of fractures and dislocations, and their 
splints and bandages are simple, and easily removed. The 
patient is laid upon a soft mat, and the fractured limb is 
frequently bathed with cold water. All abscesses they open 
with the actual cautery, and the dressings are composed 
of either soft leaves, Shea butter, or cow's dung, as the case 



204 



TRAVELS IN THE 



seems in their judgment to require. Towards the coast, 
where a supply of European lancets can be procured, they 
sometimes perform phlebotomy, and in cases of local in- 
flammations, a curious sort of cupping is practised. This 
operation is performed by making incisions in the part, 
and applying to it a bullock's horn with a small hole in the 
end. The operator then takes a piece of bees-wax in his 
mouth, and putting his lips to the hole, extracts the air from 
the horn, and by a dexterous use of his tongue, stops up 
the hole with the wax. This method is found to answer 
the purpose, and in general produces a plentiful discharge. 

When a person of consequence dies, the relations and 
neighbours meet together, and manifest their sorrow by 
loud and dismal howlings. A bullock or goat is killed for 
such persons as come to assist at the funeral which gene- 
rally takes place in the evening of the same day on which 
the party died. The Negroes have no appropriate burial 
places, and frequently dig the grave in the floor of the de- 
ceased's hut, or in the shade of a favourite tree. The body 
is dressed in white cotton, and wrapped up in a mat: It is 
carried to the grave in the dusk of the evening by the re- 
lations. If the grave is without the walls of the town, a 
number of prickly bushes are laid upon it, to prevent the 
wolves from digging up the body ; but I never observed that 
any stone was placed over the grave as a monument or me- 
morial. 

Hitherto I have considered the Negroes chiefly in a mcr* 
al light, and confined myself to the most prominent fea- 
tures in their mental character : Their domestic amuse- 
ments, occupations, and diet, their arts and manufac- 
tures, with some other subordinate objects are now to be 
noticed. 

Of their music and dances, some account has incidentally 3 
been given in different parts of rny journal. On the first 
of these heads I have now to add a list of their musical 
instruments, the principal of which are, — the koonting^ a 
sort of guitar with three strings the i'orro, a large harp 
with eighteen strings ; — the simbing,n small harp with seven 
strings; — the balafou^ an instrument composed of twenty 
pieces of hard wood of different lengths, with the shells of 
gourds hung underneath to increase the sound; — the tang- 
tcrngj a drum open at the lower end ; — and lastly, the taba- 
la-i a large di urn? commonly used to spread an alarm thro' 



INTERIOR OF AFRICA. 



20o 



the country. Besides these, they make use of small flutes, 
bow-strings, elephants teeth, unci bells ; and at all their 
dances and concerts, cla/ifiing of hands appears to consti- 
tute a necessary part of the chorus 

With the love of music is naturally connected a taste for 
poetry, and fortunately for the poets of Africa, they are in 
a great measure exempted from that neglect and indi- 
gence, which in more polished countries commonly attend 
the votaries of the Muses. They consist of two classes ; 
the most numerous are the singing men, called Jilli kea, 
mentioned in a former part of my narrative ; one or mere of 
these may be found in every town ; they sing extempore 
songs in honour of their chief men, or any other persons 
who are willing to give " solid pudding for empty praise." 
But a nobler part of their office is, to recite the historical 
events of their country ; hence* in war, they accompany the 
soldiers to the field, in order, by reciting the great actions 
of their ancestors, to awaken in them a spirit of glorious 
emulation. The other class are devotees of the Mahome- 
dan faith, who travel about the country, singing devout 
hymns, and performing religious ceremonies, to conciliate 
the favour of the Almighty, either in averting calamity, or 
in insuring success to any enterprise. Both descriptions of 
these itinerant bards are much employed and respected by 
the people, and very liberal contributions are made for them. 

The usual diet of the Negroes is somewhat different in 
different districts ; in general the people of free condition 
breakfast about daybreak, upon gruel made of meal and wa- 
ter, with a little of the fruit of the tamarind to give it an 
acid taste : About two o'clock in the afternoon, a sort of 
hasty pudding, with a little Shea butter is the common 
meal; but the supper constitutes the principal repast, and 
Is seldom ready before midnight. This consists almost 
universally of kouskous, with a small portion of animal 
food, or Shea butter, mixed with it. In eating, the Kafirs 
>as well as Mahomedans, use the right hand only. 

The beverage of the Pagan Negroes is beer and mead, of 
each of which they frequently drink to excess. The Ma- 
homedan converts drink nothing but water. The natives 
of all descriptions take snuff and smoke tobacco ; their pipes 
are made of wood with an earthen bowl of curious work- 
manship. But in the interior countries, the greatest of all 
luxuries is salt, It would appear strange to an European* 



206 



TRAVELS IN THE 



to see a child suck a piece of rock-salt as if it were sugar. 
This, however, I have frequently seen ; although in the in- 
land parts, the poorer class of the inhabitants are so very 
rarely indulged with this precious, article, that to say a man 
eats salt with his victuals, is the bame as saying he is a rich 
man. I have myself suffered great inconvenience from the 
scarcity of this article. The long use of vegetable food, 
creates so painful a longing for salt, that no words can suf- 
ficiently describe it. 

The Negroes in general, and the Mandingoes in particu- 
lar, are considered by the whites on the coast as an indolent 
and inactive people ; I think without reason. The nature 
of the climate is, indeed, unfavourable to great exertion; 
but surely, a people cannot justly be denominated habitual- 
ly indolent, whose wants are supplied, not by the spontan- 
eous productions of nature, but by their own exertions. 
Few people work harder, when occasion requires, than the 
Mandingoes ; but not having many opportunities of turning 
to advantage, the superfluous produce of their labour, they 
are content with cultivating as much ground only as is neces- 
sary for their own support. The labours of the field give 
them pretty full employment during the rains, and in the 
dry season, the people who live in the vicinity of large riv- 
ers employ themselves chiefly in fishing. The fish are tak- 
en in wicker baskets, or with small cotton nets, and are pre- 
served by being first dried in the sun, and afterwards rub- 
bed with Shea butter to prevent them from contracting 
fresh moisture. Others of the natives employ themselves 
in. hunting. Their weapons are bows and arrows ; but the 
arrows in common use are not poisoned.* They are very 
dexterous marksmen, and will hit a lizard on a tree, or any 
other small object, at an amazing distance. They likewise 
kill Guinea-fowls,. partridges, and pigeons, but never on the 
%ving. While the men are occupied in these pursuits, the 
women are very diligent in manufacturing cotton-cloth : 

-• Poisoned arrows are ehiefly used in war. The poison, which is said 
to he very deadly, is prepared from a shrub called koona, (a species 
of ecu it es) which is very common in the woods. The leaves of this 
shrub, when boiled with a small quantity of water, yield a thick black 
juice, into which the Negroes dip a cotton thread ; this thread they 
fasten round the iron of the arrow in such a manner, that it is almcot 
impossible to extract the arrow, when it has sunk beyond the barbs, 

vithaat leaving the iron point and the poisoned thread in the wound. 



INTERIOR OF AFRICA. 



They prepare the cotton for spinning;, by laying it in small 
q uantities at a time upon a smooth stone, or piece of wood, 
and rolling the seeds out with a thick iron spindle, and they 
spin it with the distaff : The thread is not fine, but weli 
twisted, and makes a very durable cloth. A woman with 
common diligence, will spin from six to nine garments of 
this cloth in one year; which according to its fineness, will 
sell for a minkalli and a half, or two minkallies each.* The 
weaving is performed by the men : The loom is made ex- 
actly upon the same principle as that of Europe, but so 
small and narrow, that the web is seldom more than four 
inches broad. The shuttle is of the common construction, 
but as the thread is coarse, the chamber is somewhat larger 
than the European. 

The women dye this cloth cf a rich and lasting blue co- 
lour by the following simple process; the leaves of the 
indigo when fresh gathered are pounded. in a wooden mor- 
tar, and mixed in a large earthen jar with a strong lye of 
wood ashes ; chamber lye is sometimes added. The cloth 
is steeped in this mixture, and allowed to remain until it 
has acquired the proper shade. In Kaarta and Ludamar, 
where the indigo is not plentiful, they collect the leaves 
and dry them in the sun ; and when they wish to use them, 
they reduce a sufficient quantity to powder, and mix it with 
the lye as before mentioned. Either way, the colour is very- 
beautiful, with a fine purple gloss, and equal in my opin- 
ion, to the best Indian or European blue. This cloth is cut 
into various pieces, and sewed into garments with needles 
of the natives own making. 

As the arts of weaving, dying, sewing, Sec. may easily be 
acquired, those who exercise them are not considered in 
Africa, as following any particular profession ; for almost 
every slave can weave, and every boy can sew. The only 
artists which are distinctly acknowledged as such by 
the Negroes, and who value themselves on exercising ap- 
propriate and peculiar trades, are the manufacturers of leath- 
er and of iron. The first of these are called Karrankea, or 
as the word is sometimes pronounced, Gaungay. They are 
to be found in almost every town, and they frequently trav- 
el through the country in the exercise of their calling: 

• AvminkalU is a quantity of gold nearly equal in value ta ten shil- 
lings- sterling. 



■203 



TRAVELS IN THE 



They tan and dress leather with very great expedition, by 
steeping the hide first in a mixture of wood-ashes and water 
until it parts with the hair, and afterwards by using the pound- 
ed leaves of a tree called goo, as an astringent. They are 
at great pains to render the hide soft and pliant as possible, 
by rubbing it frequently between their hands, and beating 
it upon a stone. The hides of bullocks are converted chiefly 
into sandals, and therefore require less care in dressing 
than the skins of sheep and goats, which are used for cov- 
ering quivers and saphies, and in making sheaths for 
swords, and knives, belts, pockets, and a variety of orna- 
ments. These skins are commonly dyed of a red or yellow 
colour ; the red, by means of millet stalks reduced to pow- 
der : and the yellow, by the root of a plant, the name of 
which I have forgotten. 

The manufacturers in iron are not so numerous as the 
Karrankeas, but they appear to have studied their business 
with equal diligence. The .Negroes on the coast being 
cheaply supplied with iron from the European traders, 
never attempt the manufacturing of this article themselves ; 
but in the inland parts, the natives smelt this useful metal 
in such quantities, as not only to supply themselves from it 
with all necessary weapons and instruments, but even to 
make it an article of commerce with some of the neigh- 
bouring states. During my stay at Kamalia, there was a smelt- 
ing furnace at a short distance from the hut where I lodg- 
ed, and the owner and his workmen made no secret about 
trie manner of conducting the operation, and readily allow- 
ed me to examine the furnace, and assist them in breaking 
the iron-stone. The furnace was a circular tower of clay, 
ubout ten feet high, and three feet in diameter, surrounded 
in two places with withes, to prevent the clay from cracking 
and falling to pieces by the violence of the heat. Round the 
lower part on a level with the ground, but not so low as the 
bottom of the furnace, which was somewhat concave, were 
made seven openings, into everyone of which were placed 
three tubes of clay, and the openings again plastered up in 
such a manner, that no air could enter the furnace but thro* 
the tubes, by the opening and shutting of which they regu- 
lated the fire. These tubes w r ere formed, by plastering a 
mixture of clay and grass round a smooth roller of wood, 
which as soon as the clay began to harden was withdrawn, 
and the tube left to dry in the sun. The iron-stone which 



INTERIOR OF AFRICA. 



209 



I saw was very heavy, of a dull red colour, with greyish 
specks ; it was broken into pieces about the size of a hen's 
egg. A bundle of dry wood was first put into the fur- 
nace and covered with a considerable quantity of charcoal; 
which was brought, ready burnt, from the woods. Over 
this was laid a stratum of iron-stone, and then another of 
charcoal, and so on, until the furnace was quite full. 
The fire was applied through one of the tubes, and blown 
for some time with bellows made of goat skin. The ope- 
ration went on very slowly at first, and it was some 
hours before the flame appeared above the furnace; but af- 
ter this, it burnt with great violence all the first night ; and 
the people who attended put in at times more charcoal. 
On the day following the fire was not so fierce, and on the 
second night, some of the tubes were withdrawn, and the 
air allowed to have freer access to the furnace ; but the 
heat was still very great, and a bluish flame arose some feet 
above the top of the furnace. On the third day from the 
commencement of the operation, all the tubes were taken 
out, the ends of many of them being vitrified with the 
heat: but the metal was not removed until some days after- 
wards, when the whole was perfectly cool. Part of the 
furnace was then taken down, and the iron appeared in the 
form of a large irregular mass, with pieces of charcoal ad- 
hering to it. It was sonorous, and when any portion was 
broken off, the fracture exhibited a granulated appearance 
like broken steel. The owner informed me that many parts 
of this cake were useless, but still there was good iron 
enough to repay him for his trouble. This iron, or rather 
steel, is formed into various instruments, by being repeat- 
edly heated in a forge, the heat of which is urged by a pair 
of double bellows, of a very simple construction, being made* 
of two goats skins, the tubes from which unite before, they 
enter the forge, and supply a constant and very regular 
blast. The hammer, forceps, and anvil, are aiLvery. simple, 
and the workmanship^particulariy in the formation of knives 
and spears, is not destitute of merit. The iron indeed, is 
hard and brittle ; and requires much labour before it can be 
made to answer the purpose. 

Most of the African blacksmiths are acquainted also with 
the method of smelting gold, in which process they use an 
alkaline salt, obtained from a lye of burnt corn-stalks.^ 
evaporated to dryness. They likewise draw the gold into 

S 2 



- TRAVELS IN THE 



wire, and form it into a variety of ornaments, some of which 
are executed with a great deal of taste and ingenuity. 

Such is the chief information I obtained, concerning the 
present state of arts and manufactures in those regions of 
Africa, which I explored in my journey. I might add, tho' 
it is scarce worthy of observation, that in Bambarra and 
Kaarta, the natives make very beautiful baskets, hats, and 
other articles, both for use and ornament, from rushes, which 
they stain of different colours ; and they contrive also to 
cover their calabashes with interwoven cane, dyed in the 
same manner. 

In all the laborious occupations above described, the mas- 
ter arid his slaves work together without any distinction of 
superiority. Hired servants, by which I mean, persons of 
free condition, voluntarily working for pay, are unknown hi 
Africa ; and this observation naturally leads me to consider 
the condition of the slaves, and the various means by which 
they are reduced to so miserable a state of servitude. This 
unfortunate class are found, I believe, in all parts of this ex- 
tensive country, and constitute a considerable branch of 
commerce with the states on the Mediterranean, as well as. 
with the nations of Europe. 



CHAPTER XXIL 

Observations on the state and sources of slavery in Africa* 

A. STATE of subordination, and certain inequalities of 
rank and condition, are inevitable in every stage of civil so- 
ciety \ but when this subordination is carried to so great a 
length, that the persons and services of one part of the com- 
munity are entirely at the disposal of another part, it may 
then be denominated a state of slavery, and in this condition 
of life, a great botly of the Negro inhabitants of Africa have 
continued from the most early period of their history, with- 
this aggravation, that their children are born to no other in- 
heritance. 

The slaves in Africa, I suppose, are nearly in the propor- 
tion of three to one to ths free, mem They claim no reward 



INTERIOR OF AFRICA. 



21 ! 



for their services except food and clothing, and are treated 
with kindness or severity, according to the good or bad dis- 
position of their masters. Custom, however, has establish- 
ed certain rules with regard to the treatment of slaves, 
which it is thought dishonorable to violate : Thus, the do- 
mestic slaves, or such as are born in a man's own house, are 
treated with more lenity than those which are purchased 
with money. The authority of the master over the domes- 
tic slave, as I have elsewhere observed, extends only to rea- 
sonable correction, for the master cannot sell his domestic, 
without having first brought him to a public trial before the 
chief men of the place.* But these restrictions on the pow- 
er of the master extend not to the case of prisoners taken in 
war, nor to that of slaves purchased with money. All these 
unfortunate beings are considered as strangers and foreign- 
ers, who have no right to the protection of the law, and may 
be treated with severity, or sold to a stranger, according to 
the pleasure of their owners. There are, indeed, regular 
markets, where slaves of this description are bought and 
sold, and the value of a slave, in the eye of an African pur- 
chaser, increases in proportion to his distance from his na- 
tive kingdom ; for when slaves are only a few days' journey 
from the place of their nativity, they frequently effect their 
escape, but when one or more kingdoms intervene, escape 
being more difficult, they are more readily reconciled to 
their situation. On this account, the unhappy slave is fre- 
quently transferred from one dealer to another, until he has 
lost all hopes of returning to his native kingdom. The slaves 
which are purchased by the Europeans on the coast, are 
chiefly of this description ; a few of them are collected in 
the petty wars, hereafter to be described, which take place 
near the coast ; but by far the greater number are brought 
down in large caravans from the inland countries, of which 
many are unknown, even by name, to the Europeans. The 
slaves which are thus brought from the interior, may be di- 
vided into two distinct classes ; first) such as were slaves- 

* In time of famine, the master is permitted to sell one or more ci 
his domestics to purchase provisions for his family; and in case of the 
master's insolvency, the domestic slaves are sometimes seized upon 
by the creditors, and if the master cannot redeem them, they are lia- 
ble to be sold for the payment of his debts. These are the only cases 
that I recollect, in which the domestic slaves are liable to be sold, -with- 
any misconduct or demerit of thei* own, 



TRAVELS IN THE 



from their birth, haying been born of enslaved mothers ; 
secondly^ such as were born free, but who afterwards, by 
whatever means, became slaves. Those of the first descrip- 
tion are by far the most numerous, for prisoners taken in 
war, at least such as are taken in open and declared war, 
when one kingdom avows hostilities against another, are gen- 
erally of this description. The comparative small propor- 
tion of free people to the enslaved, throughout Africa, has 
already been noticed, and it must be observed, that men cf 
free conditio^ have many advantages over the slaves, even 
in war time. They are in general better armed and well 
mounted, andean either fight or escape with some hopes of 
success ; but the slaves, who have only their spears and 
bows, and of whom great numbers arc loaded with baggage, 
become an easy prey. Thus when Mansong, king of Bam- 
barra, made war upon Kaarta, as I have related in a former 
chapter, he took in one day nine hundred prisoners, of which 
number not more than seventy were free men. This ac- 
count I received from Daman Jumma, who had thirty slaves 
at Kemmoo, all of whom were made prisoners by Mansong. 
Again, when a free man is taken prisoner, his friends will' 
sometimes ransom him by giving two slaves in exchange ; 
but when a sla ve is takei^ he has no hopes of such redemp-^ 
tion. To these disadvantages it is to be added, that the Sla- 
tees, who purchase slaves in the interior countries, and carry 
them down to the coast for sale, constantly prefer such as' 
have been in that condition of life from their infancy, well- 
knowing that these have been accustomed to hunger and- 
fatigue, and are better able to sustain the hardships of a 
long and painful journey, than free men ; and on their reach- 
ing the coast, if no opportunity offers of selling them to ad- r 
vantage, they can easily be made to maintain themselves by 
their labour ; neither are they so apt to attempt making their 
escape, as those who have once tasted the blessings of free- 
dom. 

Slayes of the second description, generally become such 
by one or other of the following causes; first, Captivity; 
second, Famine '; third, Insolvency; fourth, Crimes. A, 
freeman may, by the established customs of Africa, become 
a slave by being taken in war. War, is of all others, the 
most productive source, and was probably the origin of sla- 
very ; for. when one nation, had taken from another, a great- 
«r number of captives than could be exchanged on equal* 



INTERIOR OF AFRICA. 



2EJ 



terms, it is natural to suppose that the conquerors, finding 
it inconvenient to maintain their prisoners, would compel 
them to labour; at first perhaps only for their own support; 
but afterwards to support their masters. Be this as it may, 
it is a known fact, that prisoners of war in Africa, are the 
slaves of the conquerors ; and when the weak or unsuccess- 
ful warrior, begs for mercy beneath the uplifted spear of 
his opponent, he gives up at the same time his claim to li- 
berty, and purchases his life at the expence of his freedom. 

In a country divided into a thousand petty states, mostly 
independent and jealous of each other; where every free 
man is accustomed to arms, and fond of military achieve- 
ments; where the youth who has practised the bow and 
spear from his infancy, longs for nothing so much as 
an opportunity to display his valour; it is natural to ima- 
gine, that wars frequently originate from very frivolous pro- 
vocation. When one nation is more powerful than another, 
a pretext is seldom wanting for commencing hostilities. — 
Thus the war between Kajaaga and Kasson, was occasioned 
by the detension of a fugitive slave ; that between Barnbar- 
ra and Kaarta by the loss of a few cattle. Other cases of 
-the same nature perpetually occur, in which the folly or mad 
ambition of their princes, and the zeal of their religious en^ 
thusiastics, give full employment to the scythe of desolation. 

The wars of Africa are of two kinds, which are distin- 
guished by different appellations : That species which bears 
-the greatest resemblance to our European contests, is de- 
nominated kiltij a word 'signifying " to call out," because 
such wars are openly avowed, and previously declared — 
Wars of this description in Africa commonly terminate, 
however, in the course of a single campaign. A battle is 
fought; the vanquished seldom think of rallying again; the 
.whole inhabitants become panic struck; and the conque- 
rors have only to bind the slaves and carry off their plunder 
and their victims. Such of the prisoners as through age 
or infirmity are unable to endure fatigue, or are found unfit 
for sale, are considered as useless, and I have no doubt are 
frequently put to death. The same fate commonly awaits 
a chief, or any other person, who has taken a very distinguish- 
ed part in the war. And here it may be observed, that not- 
withstanding this exterminating system, it is surprising to 
behold how soon an African town is rebuilt and repeopled. 
The circumstance arises probably from this ; that their 



TRAVELS IN THE 



pitched battles are few; the weakest know their own situa- 
tion, and seek safety in flight. When their country has 
been desolated, and their ruined towns and villages desert- 
ed by the enemy, such of the inhabitant* as have escaped 
the sword and the chain generally return, though with cau- 
tious steps, to the place of their nativity ; for it seems to be 
the universal wish of mankind, to spend the evening of their 
days where they passed their infancy. The poor Negro 
feels this desire in its full force. To him, no water is sweet 
but what is drawn from his own well, and no tree has so 
cool and pleasant a shade as the tabba tree* of his native 
village. When war compels him to abandon the delightful 
spot in which he first drew his breath, and seek for safety 
in some other kingdom, his time is spent in talking about 
the country of his ancestors ; and no sooner is peace restor- 
ed, than he turns his back upon the land of strangers, re- 
builds with haste his fallen walls, and exults to -see the 
smoke ascend from his native village. 

The other species of African warfare, is distinguished by 
the appellation of tegria^ " plundering or stealing." It 
arises from a sort of hereditary feud, which the inhabitants 
of one nation or district bear towards another. No imme- 
diate cause of hostility is assigned, or notice of attack giv- 
en ; but the inhabitants of each, watch every opportunity 
to plunder and distress the objects of their animosity by 
predatory excursions. These are very common, particu- 
larly about the beginning of the dry season, when the la- 
bour of the harvest is over and provisions are plentiful.— 
Schemes of vengeance are then meditated. The chief man 
surveys the number and activity of his vassals, as they 
brandish their spears at festivals, and elated with his own 
importance, turns his whole thoughts towards revenging 
some depredation or insult, which either he or his ancestors 
may have received from a neighbouring state. 

Wars of this description are generally conducted with 
great secrecy. A few resolute individuals, headed by some 
person of enterprise and courage, march quietly through 
the woods, surprize in the night some unprotected village, 
and carry off the inhabitants and their effects, before their 
neighbours can come to their assistance. One morning-, 

* This is a large spreading tree (a species of sterculia) uivjerwh: gr- 
ille Bentang is commonly placed. 



INTERIOR OF AFRICA. 215 

during my stay at Kamalia, we were all much alarmed by 
a party of this kind. The king of Fooladoo's son, with five 
hundred horsemen, passed secretly through the woods, a 
little to the southward of Kamalia, and on the morning fol- 
lowing, plundered three towns belonging to Madigai, a 
powerful chief in Jallonkadoo, 

The success of this expedition encouraged the govern- 
or of Bangassi r a town in Fooladoo, to make a second in 
road upon another part of the same country. Having as 
sembled about two hundred of his people, he passed the ri- 
ver Kokoro in the night, and carried off a great number of 
prisoners. Several of the inhabitants who had escaped 
these attacks, were afterwards seized by the Mandingoes, 
as they wandered about in the woods, or concealed them- 
selves in the glens and strong places of the mountains. 

These plundering excursions always produce speedy re- 
taliation; and when large parties cannot be collected for 
this purpose, a few friends will combine together and ad- 
vance into the enemy's country, with a view to plunder, or 
carry off the inhabitants. A single individual has been 
known to take his bow and quiver, and proceed in like 
manner: Such an attempt is doubtless in him an act of rash- 
ness; but when it is considered, that in one of these preda- 
tory wars, he has probably been deprived of his child or 
his nearest relation, his situation will rather call for pity 
than- censure. The poor sufferer, urged on by the feelings 
of domestic or paternal attachment, and the ardor of re- 
venge, conceals himself among the bushes, until some 
young or unarmed person passes by. He then, tiger-like, 
springs upon his prey, drags his victim into the thicket, 
and in the night carries him off as a slave. 

When a Negro has, by means like these, once fallen into 
the hands of his enemies, he is either retained as the slave 
of his conqueror, or bartered into a distant kingdom ; for 
an African, when he has once subdued his enemy, will sel- 
dom give him an opportunity of lifting up his hand against 
him at a future period- A conqueror commonly disposes 
of his captives according to the rank which they held in their 
native kingdom. Such of the domestic slaves as appear to 
be of a mild disposition, and particularly the young women, 
are retained as his own slaves : Others, that display marks 
of discontent, are disposed of in a distant country ; and such 
sf the free men or slaves, as have taken an active part in the 



216 



TRAVELS IN THE 



war, are either sold to the Siatees, or put to death. Wat , 
therefore, is certainly the most general and most productive 
source of slavery ; and the desolations of war often, but not 
always, produce the second cause of slavery, famine, in 
which case a freeman becomes a slave to avoid greater ca- 
lamity. 

Perhaps, by a philosophic and reflecting mind, death it- 
self would scarcely be considered &s a greater calamity than 
slavery ; but the poor Negro, when fainting with hunger, 
thinks like Esau of old ; " behold I am at the point to die, 
and <w hat profit shall this birth right do to me ?" There are, 
many instances of free men voluntarily surrendering up their 
liberty to^save their lives. During a great scarcity which 
lasted for three years in the countries of the Gambia, great 
numbers of people became slaves in this manner. Dr. 
Laidley assured me that, at that time, many free men came 
and begged with great earnestness, to be /rut u/ion his slave- 
chain, to save them from perishing of hunger, Large fa- 
milies are very often exposed to absolute want, and as the 
parents have almost unlimitted authority over their child- 
ren, it frequently happens, in all parts of Africa, that some 
of the latter are sold to purchase provisions for the rest of 
the family. When I was at Jarra, Daman Jumma pointed 
out to me three young slaves which he had purchased in 
this manner. I have already related another instance which 
I saw at Wonda, and I was informed that in Fooladoo, at 
that time, it was a very common practice. 

The third cause of slavery is insolvency. Of all the of- 
fences, if insolvency may be so called, to which the laws 
of Africa have affixed the punishment of slavery, this is 
the most common. A Negro trader commonly contracts 
debts on some mercantile speculation, either from his neigh- 
bours, to purchase such articles as will sell to advantage in 
a distant market, or from the European traders on the coast ; 
payment to be made in a given time. In both cases, the 
situation of the adventurer is exactly the same : If he suc- 
ceeds, he may secure an independency ; if he is unsuccess- 
ful, his person and services are at the disposal of another; 
for in Africa, not only the effects of the insolvent, but even 
the insolvent himself, is sold, to satisfy the lawful demands 
of his creditors * 



* W*ien a Negro takes up goads on credit from any of die Europe- 



INTERIOR OF AFRICA, 



217 



The fourth cause above enumerated, is the commission of 
"crimes, on which the laws of the country affix slavery as a 
punishment. In Africa, the only offences of this class, are 
murder, adultery, and witchcraft ; and I am happy to say, 
that they did not appear to me to be common. In cases of 
murder, I was informed, that the nearest relation of the de- 
ceased had it in his power, after conviction, either to kill the 
offender with his own hand, or sell him into slavery. When 
adultery occurs, it is generally left to the option of the per- 
son injured, either to sell the culprit, or accept such a ran- 
som for him, as he may think equivalent to the injury he has 
sustained. By witchcraft is meant pretended magic, by 
"which the lives or health of persons are affected ; in other 
words, it is the administering of poison. No trial for this 
offence, however, came under my observation while I was 
in Africa, and I therefore suppose, that the crime and its pun- 
ishment occur but very seldom. 

When a free man has become a slave by any one of the 
causes before mentioned, he generally continues so for life, 
and his children, if they are born of an enslaved mother, are 
brought up in the same state of servitude. There are, how- 
ever, a few instances of slaves obtaining their freedom, and 
sometimes even*with the consent of their masters, as by per- 
forming some singular piece of service, or by going to bat- 
tle, and bringing home two slaves as a ransom ; but the com- 
mon way of regaining freedom is by escape, and when slaves 
have once set their minds on running away, they often suc- 
ceed. Some of them will wait for years before an opportu- 
nity presents itself, and during that period shew no signs of 
discontent. In general, it may be remarked, that slaves who 
come from a hilly country, and have been much accustomed 

a*'s on thecoast, and does not make payment at the time appointed, the 
European is authorised, by the laws of the country, to seize upon the 
debtor himself, if he can find, him ; or if he cannot be found, on any 
person of h is family ; or, in the last resort, on any native of the same 
kingdom The person thus seized on is detained, while his friends 
are sent in quest of the debtor. When he is found, a meeting is called 
of the chief people of the pla.ce, and the debtor is compelled to ransom 
his friend by fulfilling his engagements. If he is unable to do this, his 
person is immediately secured and sent down to the coast, and the oth- 
er released. If the debtor cannot be found, the person seized on is 
obliged to pay double the amount of the debt, oris himself sold into 
slavery. I was given to understand, however, that this part of the la\r 
is seldom enforced. 



T 



*18 



TRAVELS IN THE 



to hunting and travel, are more apt to attempt their escape, 
than such as are born in a flat country, and have been em- 
ployed in cultivating the land. 

Such are the general outlines of that system of slavery 
which prevails in Africa, and it is evident from its nature 
and extent, that it is a system of no modern date. It prob- 
ably had its origin in the remote ages of antiquity, before the 
Mahomedans explored a path across the Desert. How far 
it is maintained and supported by the slave traffic, which, 
for two hundred years, the nations of Europe have carried 
on with the natives of the coast, it is neither within my 
province, nor in my power to explain. If my sentiments 
should be required, concerning the effect which a discon- 
tinuance of that commerce would produce on the manners 
of the natives, I should have no hesitation in observing, that 
in the present unenlightened state of their minds, my opin- 
ion is, the effect would neither be so extensive or beneficial 
as many wise and worthy persons fondly expect. 



CHAPTER XXIII. 

Qj gold dust and the manner in which it is collected* Pro- 
cess of washing it. Its value in Africa. Of ivory* 
Modes of hunting the elephant* Refections on the un- 
improved state ef the country^ &c* 

Those valuable commodities, gold and ivory, the next 
objects of our enquiry, have probably been found in Africa 
from the first ages of the world. They are reckoned among 
its most important productions in the earliest records of its 
history. 

It has been observed, that gold is seldom or never dis- 
covered, except in mountainous and barren countries ; Na- 
ture, it is said, thus making amends in one way, for her 
penuriousness in the other. This however, is not wholly 
true. Gold is found in considerable quantities throughout 
every part of Manding ; a country which is indeed hilly, 
but cannot properly be called mountainous^ much less bar* 



INTERIOR OF AFRICA. 



219 



ren. It is also found in great plenty in Jallonkadoo, par- 
ticularly about Boori, another hilly, but by no means an in- 
fertile country. It is remarkable, that in the place last men- 
tioned, Boori, which is situated about four clays journey to 
the southwest of Kamalia, the salt market is often supplied, 
at the same time, with rock-salt from the Great Desert, and 
sea-salt from the Rio Grande ; the price of each, at this 
distance from its source being nearly the same and the deal- 
ers in each, whether Moors from the north, or Negroes 
from the west, are invited thither by the same motives, that 
of bartering their salt for gold. 

The gold of Manding, so far as I could learn, is never 
found in any matrix or vein, but always in small grains, 
nearly in a pure state, from the size of a pin's head to that of 
a pea, scattered through a large body of sand or clay ; and in 
this state, it is called by the Mandingoes sanoo munko, 
(gold powder.) It is, however, extremely probable, by 
what I could learn of the situation of the ground, that most 
of it has orignally been washed down by repeated torrents 
from the neighbouring hills. The manner in which it is 
collected is nearly as follows : 

About the beginning of December, when the harvest is 
over, and the streams and torrents have greatly subsided, 
the Mansa, or chief of the town, appoints a day to begin 
mnoo koo, (gold washing) and the women are sure to have 
themselves in readiness by the time appointed. A paddle, 
or spade, for digging up the sand, two or three calabashes 
for washing it in, and a few quills for containing the gold 
dust, are all the implements necessary for the purpose, 
On the morning of their departure, a bullock is killed for 
the first day's entertainment, and a number of prayers and 
charms are used to ensure success ; for a failure on that 
day is thought a bad omen. The Mansa of Kamalia, with 
fourteen of his people, were I remember, so much disap- 
pointed in their first day's washing, that very few of them 
had resolution to persevere, and the few that did, had but 
very indifferent success ; which indeed, is not much to be 
wondered at ; for instead of opening some untried place, 
they continued to dig and wash in the same spot where they 
had dug and washed for years ; and where, of course, but 
few large grains could be left. 

The washing the sands of the streams is by far the easiest 
way of obtaining the gold-dust; but in most places the 



220 



TRAVELS IN THE 



sands have been so narrowly searched before, that unless 
the stream take some new course, the gold is found but in 
small quantities. While some of the party are busied in wash- 
ing the sands, others employ themselves farther up the tor- 
rent, where the rapidity of the stream has carried away all 
the clay, sand, &x. and left nothing but small pebbles. 
The search among these is a very troublesome task. I 
have seen women who have had the skin worn off the tops 
of their fingers in this employment. Sometimes, however, 
they are rewarded by finding pieces of gold, which they call 
canoo birro (gold stones) that amply repay them for their 
trouble. A woman and her daughter, inhabitants of Kama- 
Ha, found in one day two pieces of this kind, one of five 
drachms, and the other of three drachms weight. But the 
most certain and profitable mode of washing is practised in 
the height of the dry season, by digging a deep pit like a 
draw-well, near some hill which has previously been dis- 
covered to contain gold. The pit is dug with small spades 
or corn paddles, and the earth is drawn up in large cala- 
bashes. As the Negroes dig through the different strata 
of clay or sand, a calabash or two of each is washed, by way 
of experiment ; and in this manner the labourers proceed 
until they come to a stratum containing gold, or until they 
are obstructed by rocks, or inundated by water. In gene- 
ral, when they come to a stratum of fine reddish sand, with 
small black specks therein, they find gold in some pro- 
portion or other, and send up large calabashes full of the 
sand for the women to wash ; for though the pit is dug by 
the men, the gold is always washed by the women, who are 
accustomed from their infancy to a similar operation, in 
separating the husk:, of corn from the meal. 

As I never descended into any one of these pits, I can- 
not say in what manner they are worked under ground. 
Indeed, the situation in which I was placed, made it neces- 
sary for me to be cautious not to incur the suspicion of the 
natives, by examining too far into the riches of their coun- 
try ; but the manner of separating the gold from the sand 
is very simple, and is frequently performed by the women 
in the middle of the town ; for when the searchers return 
from the valleys in the evening, they commonly bring with 
them each a calabash or two of sand, to be washed by such 
of the females as remain at home. The operation is simply 
as follows ; 



INTERIOR OF AFRICA. 



A portion of sand or clay, for the gold is sometimes 
found in a brown coloured clay, is put into a large calabash, 
and mixed with a sufficient quantity of water. The woman 
whose office it is, then shakes the calabash in such a manner 
as to mix the sand and water together, and give the 
whole a rotatory motion, at first gently, but afterwards more 
quick, until a small portion of sand and water, at every rev- 
olution, flies over the brim of the calabash. The sand thus 
separated, is only the coarsest particles mixed with a little 
muddy water. After the operation has been continued for 
some time, the sand is allowed to subside, and the water 
poured off ; a portion of coarse sand, which is now upper- 
most in the calabash, is removed by the hand, and fresh wa- 
ter being added, the operation is repeated until the water 
comes off almost pure. The woman now takes a second 
calabash, and shakes the sand and water gently from the one 
to the other, reserving that portion of sand which is next 
the bottom of the calabash, and which is most likely to con- 
tain the gold. This small quantity is mixed with some pure 
•water, and being moved about in the calabash, is carefully 
examined. If a few particles of gold are picked out, the 
contents of the other calabash are examined in the same 
manner ; but in general, the party is well contented, if she 
can obtain three or four grains from the contents of both 
calabashes. Some women, however, by long practice, be* 
come so well acquainted with the nature of the sand, and 
the mode of washing it, that they will collect gold, where 
others cannot find a single particle. The gold dust is kept 
in quills, stopt up with cotton ; and the washers are fond 
of displaying a number of these quills in their hair. Gene- 
rally speaking, if a person uses common diligence in a pro- 
per soil, it is supposed, that as much gold may be collected 
by him in the course of the dry season, as is equal to the va- 
lue of two slaves. 

Thus simple is the process by which the Negroes obtain 
gold in Manding ; and it is evident from this account, that 
the country contains a considerable portion of this precious 
metal ; for many of the smaller particles must necessarily 
escape the observation of the naked eye, and as the natives 
generally search the sands of streams at a considerable dis- 
tance from the hills; and consequently far. removed from the 
mines where the gold was originally produced, the labourers 
are sometimes but ill paid for their trouble. Minute parr 



i22 



TRAVELS IN THE 



cles only of this heavy metal can be carried by the current 
to any considerable distance ; the larger must remain near 
the original source from whence they came. Were the gold- 
bearing streams to be traced to their fountains, and the hills 
from which they spring properly examined, the sand in 
which the gold is there deposited would, no doubt, be found 
to contain particles of a much larger size ;* and even the 
small grains might be collected to considerable advantage by 
the use of quicksilver, and other improvements, with which 
the natives are at present unacquainted. 

Part of this gold is converted into ornaments for the wo- 
men, but in general, these ornaments are more to be admir- 
ed for their weight than their workmanship. They are mas- 
sy and inconvenient, particularly the ear-rings, which are 
commonly so heavy as to pull down and lacerate the lobe of 
the ear ; to avoid which they are supported by a thong of 
red leather, which passes over the crown of the head from 
one ear to the other. The necklace displays greater fancy, 
and the proper arrangement of the different beads and plates 
of gold, is the great criterion of taste and elegance. When 
a lady of consequence is in full dress, her gold ornaments 
may be worth altogether, from fifty to eighty pounds sterling. 

A small quantity of gold is likewise employed by the Sla- 
tees, in defraying the expences of their journies to and from 
the coast ; but by far the greater proportion is annually car- 
ried away by the Moors, in exchange for salt and other mer- 
chandize. During my stay at Kamalia, the gold collected 
by the different traders at that place, for salt alone, was near- 
ly equal to one hundred and ninety-eight pounds sterling, 
and as Kamalia is but a small town, and not much resorted 
:o by the trading Moors, this quantity must have borne a 
very small proportion to the gold collected at Kancaba, Kan- 
karee and some other large towns. The value of salt in this part 
of Africa is very great : One slab, about two feet and a half 
in length, fourteen inches in breadth, and tw o inches in thick- 

* I am informed that the gold mine, as it is called, in Wicklow, in 
Ireland, which was discovered in the year 1T95, is near the top, and up * 
on the steep slope of a mountain. Here pieces of gold of several ounces 
weight were frequently found. What would have been gold dust 
two miles below, was here golden gravel ; that is, each grain was like 
a small pebble in size ; and one piece was found which weighed near 2^ 
ounces troy. 



INTERIOR OF AFRICA. 



223 



one minkilli, 



ness, will sometimes sell for about two pounds ten shillings 
sterling, and from one pound fifteen shillings to two pounds, 
may be considered as the common price. Four of these 
slabs are considered as a load for an ass, and six for a bul* 
lock. The value of European merchandize in Manding va- 
ries very much according to the supply from the coast, or 
the dread of war in the country ; but the return for such ar- 
ticles is commonly made in slaves. The price of a prime 
slave, when I was at Kamalia, was from nine to twelve min- 
kaliies, and European commodities had then nearly the fol- 
lowing value : 

18 gun flints, 

48 leaves of tobacco, 

20 charges of gun-powder, 

A cutlass, 

A musket, from three to four minkillies. 
The produce of the country, and the different necessaries 
of life, when exchanged for gold, sold as follows : 

Common provisions for one day, the weight of one teelee- 
kissi (a black bean, six of which make the weight ot one 
minkilla)— a chicken, one teelee-kissi — a sheep, three tee- 
lee-kissi — a bullock, one minkaili — a horse, from ten to sev- 
enteen minkailies. 

The Negroes weigh the gold in small balances, which 
they always carry about them. They make no difference, 
in point of value, between gold dust and wrought gold.— 
In bartering one article for another, the person who receives 
the gold, always weighs it with his own teelee-kissi. These 
beans are sometimes fraudulently soaked in Shea-butter, to 
make them heavy ; and I once saw a pebble ground exactly 
into the form of one of them ; but such practices are not very 
common. 

Having now related the substance of what recurs to my 
recollection, concerning the African mode of obtaining gold 
from the earth, and its value in barter, I proceed to the next 
article of which I proposed to treat, namely, ivory. 

Nothing creates a greater surprise among the Negroes 
on the sea coast, than the eagerness displayed by the Euro- 
pean traders to procure elephant's teeth, it being exceeding- 
ly difficult to make them comprehend to what use it is ap- 
plied. Although they are shewn knives with ivory hafts, 
combs, and toys of the same material, and are convinced 
that the ivory thus manufactured -was originally parts of a 



224 



TRAVELS IN THE 



tooth, they are not satisfied. They suspect that this com- 
modity is more frequently converted in Europe, to purposes 
of far greater importance, the true nature of which is stu- 
diously concealed from them, lest the price of ivory should 
be enhanced. They cannot, they say, easily persuade them- 
selves, that ships would be built, and voyages undertaken, 
to procure an article, which had no other value than that of 
furnishing handles to knives, &c, when pieces of wood would 
answer the purpose equally well. 

Elephants are very numerous in the interior of Africa, 
but they appear to be a distinct species from those found in 
Asia. Blumenbach, in his figures of objects of natural his- 
tory, has given good drawings of a grinder of each, and the 
variation is evident. M. Cuvier also has given in the Mag* 
azin JSncyclo/iediquej a clear account of the difference be- 
tween them. As I never examined the Asiatic elephant, I 
have chosen rather to refer to those writers, than advance 
this as an opinion of my own. It has been said, that the Af- 
rican elephant is of a less docile nature than the Asiatic, and 
incapable of being tamed. The Negroes certainly do not 
at present tame them ; but when we consider that the Car- 
thagenians had always tame elephants in their armies, and 
actually transported some of them to Italy in the course of 
the Punic wars, it seems more likely, that they should have 
possessed the art of taming their own elephants, than have 
submitted to the expence of bringing such vast animals 
from Asia. Perhaps, the barbarous practice of hunting the 
African elephants for the sake of their teeth, has rendered 
them more untractable and savage than they were found in 
former times. 

The greater part of the ivory which is sold on the Gam- 
bia and Senegal rivers, is brought from the interior country. 
The lands towards the coast are too swampy, and too much 
intersected with creeks and rivers, for so bulky an animal 
as the elephant to travel through without being discovered, 
and when once the natives discern the marks of his feet in 
the earth, the whole village is up in arms. The thoughts of 
feasting on his flesh, making sandals of his hide, and selling 
the teeth to the Europeans, inspire every one with courage, 
and the animal seldom escapes from his pursuers ; but in the 
plains of Bambarra aud Kaarta, and the extensive wilds of 
Jalionkadoo, *he elephants are very numerous; and from the 



INTERIOR OF AFRICA. 



225 



great scarcity of gun-powder in those districts, they are less 
annoyed by the natives. » 

Scattered teeth are frequently picked up in the woods, and 
travellers are very diligent in looking for them. It is a com- 
mon practice with the elephant to thrust his teeth under the 
roots of such shrubs and bushes, as grow in the more dry 
and elevated parts of the country, where the soil is shallow. 
These bushes he easily overturns and feeds on the roots, 
which are in general, more tender and juicy than the hard 
woody branches, or the foilage ; but when the teeth are 
partly decayed by age, and the roots more firmly fixed, the 
great exertions of the animal in this practice, frequently 
causes them to break short. At Kamalia I saw two teeth, 
one a very large one, which were found in the woods, and 
which were evidently broken off in this manner. Indeed, it 
is difficult otherwise to account for such a large proportion 
of broken ivory, as is daily offered for sale at the different 
factories ; for when the elephant is killed in hunting, unless 
he dashes himself over a precipice, the teeth are always ex- 
tracted entire. 

There are certain seasons of the year, when the elephants 
collect in large herds, and traverse the country in quest of 
food or water ; and as all that part of the country to the north 
of the Niger is destitute of rivers, whenever the pools in the 
woods are dried up, the elephants approach towards the 
banks of that river. Here they continue until the com- 
mencement of the rainy season, in the months of June or 
July ; and during this time they are much hunted by such 
of the Bambarrans as have gun-powder to spare. The ele- 
phant hunters seldom go out singly ; a party of four or five 
join together, and having each furnished himself with pow- 
der and ball, and a quantity of corn meal in a leather bag, 
sufficient for five or six days provision, they enter the most 
unfrequented parts of the wood, and examine with great 
care, every thing that can lead to the discovery of the ele- 
phants. In this pursuit, notwithstanding the bulk of the an- 
imal, very great nicety of observation is required. The bro- 
ken branches, the scattered dung of the animal, and the 
marks of his feet, are carefully inspected ; and many of the 
hu nters have, by long experience and attentive observation, 
become so expert in their search, that as soon as they ob- 
serve the footmarks of an elephant, they will tell almost t« 



TRAVELS IN THE 



a certainty, at what time it passed, and at what distance it 
will be found. 

When they discover a herd of elephants, they follow them 
at a distance, until they perceive some one stray from the 
rest, and come into such a situation as to be fired at with ad- 
vantage. The hunters then approach with great caution, 
creeping amongst the long grass, until they have got near 
enough to be sure of their aim. They then discharge all 
their pieces at once, and throw themselves on their faces 
among the grass. The wounded elephant immediately ap- 
plies his trunk to the different wounds, but being unable to 
extract the balls, and seeing nobody near him, becomes 
quite furious, and runs about amongst the bushes, until by 
fatigue and loss of blood he has exhausted himself, and af- 
fords the hunters an opportunity of firing a second time at 
him, by which he is generally brought to the ground. 

The skin is now taken off, and extended on the ground 
with pegs, to dry, and such parts of the flesh as are most 
esteemed, are cut up into thin slices and dried in the sun, 
to serve for provisions on some future occasion. The teeth 
are struck out with a light hatchet, which the hunters al- 
ways carry along with them, not only for that purpose, but 
also to enable them to cut down such trees as contain 
honey ; for though they carry with them only five or six 
days provisions, they will remain in the woods for months, 
if they are successful, and support themselves upon the 
flesh of such elephants as they kill, and wild honey. 

The ivory thus collected, is seldom brought down to the 
coast by the hunters themselves. They dispose of it to the 
itinerant merchants, who come annually from the coast with 
arms and ammunition, to purchase this valuable commodity. 
Some of these merchants will collect ivory in the course of 
one season, sufficient to load four or five asses. A great 
quantity of ivory is likewise brought from the interior, by 
the slave coffles ; there are however, some Slatees of the 
Mahomedan persuasion, who from motives of religion, will 
not deal in ivory ; nor eat of the flesh of the elephant unless 
it has been killed with a spear. 

The quantity of ivory collected in this part of Africa is 
not so great, nor are the teeth in general so large as in the 
countries nearer the line ; few of them weigh more than 
eighty or one hundred pounds; and upon an avarage, a bar 



INTERIOR OF AFRICA. 



227 



of European merchandise may be reckoned as the price of 
a pound of ivory. 

I have now, I trust, in this and the preceding chapters, 
explained with sufficient minuteness, the nature and extent 
of the commercial connections which at present prevails, 
and has long subsisted, between the Negro natives of those 
parts of Africa which I visited, and the nations of Europe ; 
and it appears, that slaves, gold, and ivory, together with the 
few articles enumerated in the beginning of my work, viz. 
bees-wax and honey, hides, gums, and dye woods, consti- 
tute the whole catalogue of exportable commodities. Other 
productions however, have been incidentally noticed as the 
growth of Africa ; such as grain of different kinds, tobacco, 
indigo, cotton-wool, and perhaps a few others ; but of all 
these, which can only be obtained by cultivation and labour, 
the natives raise sufficient only for their own immediate ex- 
penditure ; nor under the present system of their laws, man- 
ners, trade and government, can any thing farther be ex- 
pected from them. It cannot, however, admit of a doubt, 
that all the rich and valuable productions, both of the East 
and West-Indies, might easily be naturalized, and brought 
to the utmost perfection, in the tropical parts of this im- 
mense continent. Nothing is wanting to this end but ex- 
ample to enlighten the minds of the natives ; and instruc- 
tion, to enable them to direct their industry to proper ob- 
jects. It was not possible for me to behold the wonderful 
fertility of the soil, the vast herds of cattle, proper both for 
labour and food, and a variety of other circumstances fa- 
vourable to colonization and agriculture, and reflect, withal, 
on the means which presented themselves of a vast inland 
navigation, without lamenting that a country so abundantly 
gifted and favoured by nature, should remain in its present 
savage and neglected state. Much more did I lament, that 
a people of manners and dispositions so gentle and benevo- 
lent, should either be left as they now are, immersed in the 
gross and uncomfortable blindness of pagan superstition, or 
permitted to become converts to a system of bigotry and 
fanaticism; which, without enlightening the mind, often 
debases the heart. On this subject many observations 
might be made ; but the reader will probably think that I 
have already digressed too largely, and I now, therefore, 
return to my situation at Kamalia. 



TRAVELS IN THE 



CHAPTER XXIV. 

Transactions at Kamalia resumed. Arabic MSS. in use 
among the Mahomedan Negroes. Reflections concerning 
the conversion and education of the Negro children. Re- 
turn of the Author's benefactor, Karfa. Further account 
of the purchase and treatment of slaves. Fast of Rhama- 
dan how observed. Author's anxiety for the day of de- 
parture. The Caravan sets out. Account of it, and 
proceedings on the road. Arrival at Kinytakooro. 

The schoolmaster, to whose care I was entrusted during 
the absence of Karfa, was a man of a mild disposition and 
gentle manners; his name was Fankooma; and although he 
himself adhered strictly to the religion of Mahomet, he was 
by no means intolerant in his principles towards others who 
differed from him. He spent much of his time in reading ; 
and teaching appeared to be his pleasure as well as em- 
ployment. His school consisted of seventeen boys, most 
of whom were sons of Kafirs ; and two girls, one of whom 
were Karfa's own daughter. The girls received their in- 
structions in the day time, but the boys always had their 
lessons by the light of a large fire before day-break, and 
again late in the evening; for being considered during their 
scholarship, as the domestic slaves of the master, they were 
employed in planting corn, bringing fire-wood, and in other 
servile offices, through the day. 

Exclusive of the Koran, and a book or two of commenta- 
ries thereon, the schoolmaster possessed a variety of manu- 
scripts, which had partly been purchased from the trading 
Moors, and partly borrowed from bushreens in the neigh- 
bourhood, and copied with great care. Other MSS. nad 
been produced to me at different places in the course of my 
journey, and on recounting those I had before seen, and 
those which were now shewn to me, and interrogating the 
schoolmaster on the subject, I discovered that the Negroes 
are in possession^ among others, of an Arabic version of 
the Pentateuch of Moses, which they call Taureta la Moose, 
This is so highly esteemed, that it is often sold for the value 
of one prime slave. They have likewise a version of the 
Psalms of David (Zabora Datnidi) and lastly, the book of 



INTERIOR OF AFRICA. 



229 



Isaiah, which they call IJngeelila Isa, and it is in very high 
esteem. I suspect indeed, that in all these copies there 
are interpolations of some of the peculiar tenets of Maho- 
met, for I could distinguish in many passages the name of 
the Prophet. It is possible, however, that this circumstance 
might otherwise have been accounted for, if my knowledge 
of the Arabic had been more extensive. By means of those 
books, many of the converted Negroes, have acquired an 
acquaintance with some of the remarkable events recorded 
in the Old Testament. Tiie account of our first parents ; 
the death of Abel ; the deluge ; the lives of Abraham, Isaac, 
and Jacob ; the story of Joseph and his brethren ; the his- 
tory of Moses, David, Solomon, See. 

All these have been related to me in the Mandingo lan- 
guage, with tolerable exactness, by different people; and 
my surprise was not greater on hearing these accounts from 
the lips of the Negroes, than theirs, on finding that I was 
already acquainted with them ; for although. the Negroes in 
general have a very great idea of the wealth and power of 
the Europeans, I am afraid that the Mahomedan converts 
among them, think but very lightly of our superior attain- 
ments in religious knowledge. The white traders in the 
maritime districts take no pains to counteract this unhap- 
py prejudice, always performing their own devotions in se- 
cret, and seldom condescending to converse with the Ne- 
groes in a friendly and instructive manner. To me, there- 
fore, it was not so much the subject of wonder, as matter of 
regret, to observe, that while the superstition of Mahomet 
has, in this manner, scattered a few faint beams of learning 
among these poor people, the precious light of Christianity 
is altogether excluded. I could not but lament, that al- 
though the coast of Africa, has now been known and fre- 
quented by the Europeans for more than two hundred years, 
yet the Negroes still remain entire strangers to the doct- 
rines of our holy religion. We are anxious to draw from 
obscurity the opinions and records of antiquity, the beauties 
of Arabic and Asiatic literature, Sec. but while our libra- 
ries are thus stored with the learning of various countries, 
we distribute with a parsimonious hand, the blessings of re- 
ligious truth to the benighted nations of the earth. The 
natives of Asia derive but little advantage in this respect 
from an intercourse with us, and even the poor Africans, 
Hrhom we affect to consider as barbarians, look upon us 3 J 

V 



230 



TRAVELS IN THE 



fear as little better than a race of formidable but ignorant 
heathens. When I produced Richardson's Arabic gram- 
mar to some Slatees on the Gambia, they were astonished 
to think, that any European should understand, and write, 
the sacred language of their religion. At first, they sus- 
pected that it might have been written by some of the slaves 
carried from the coast ; but on a closer examination, they 
were satisfied, that no Bushreen could write such beautiful 
Arabic, and one of them offered to give me an ass and six- 
teen bars of goods, if I would part with the book. Perhaps 
a short and easy introduction to Christianity, such as is found 
in some of the catechisms for children, elegantly printed in 
Arabic, and distributed on different parts of the coast, might 
have a wonderful effect. The expence would be but tri- 
fling, curiosity would induce many to read it, and the evi- 
dent superiority which it would possess over their present 
manuscripts, both in point of elegance and cheapness, might 
at least obtain it a place among the school books of Africa. 

The reflections which L have thus ventured to submit to 
my readers on this important subject, naturally suggested 
themselves to my mind, on perceiving the encouragement 
which was thus given to learning, such as it is, in many 
parts of Africa. -I have observed, that the pupils at Kama- 
lia were most of them the children of Pagans ; their pa- 
rents, therefore, could have had no predilection for the doc- 
trines of Mahomet. Their aim was their children's im- 
provement, and if a more enlightened system had presented 
itself, it would probably have been preferred. The child- 
ren too, wanted not a spirit of emulation, which it is the aim 
of the tutor to encourage. When any one of them has read 
through the Koran, and performed a certain number of pub- 
lic prayers, a, feast is prepared by the schoolmaster, and the 
scholar undergoes an examination, or, in "European terms, 
takes out his degree. I attended at three different inaugura- 
tions of this sort, and heard with pleasure the distinct and in- 
telligent answers, which the scholars frequently gave to the 
Bushreens, who assembled on those occasions, and acted as 
examiners. When the Bushreens had satisfied themselves 
Respecting the learning and abilities of the scholar, the last 
page of the Koran was put into his hand, and he was desir- 
ed to read it aloud ; after the boy had finished this lesson* 
he pressed the paper against his forehead, and pronounced 
the word Amen ; upon which all the Bushreens rose, and 



INTERIOR OF AFRICA. 



231 



shaking him cordially by the hand, bestowed upon him the 
title of Bushreen. 

When a scholar has undergone this examination, his pa- 
rents are informed that he has completed his education, and 
that it is incumbent on them to redeem their son, by giving 
to the schoolmaster a slave, or the price of a slave, in ex- 
change ; which is always done if the parents can afford to 
do it ; if not, the boy remains the domestic slave of the 
schoolmaster until he can, by his own industry, collect goods 
sufficient to ransom himself. 

About a week after the departure of Karfa, three Moors 
arrived at Kamalia with a consul erable quantity of salt, and 
other merchandize, which they had obtained on credit from 
a merchant of Fezzan, who had lately arrived at Kancaba. 
Their engagement was to pay him his price when the goods 
were sold, which they expected would be in the course of 
a month. Being rigid Bushreens, they were accommodat- 
ed with two of Karfa s huts, and sold their goods to very 
great advantage. 

On the 24th of January Karfa returned to Kamalia with a 
number of people, and thirteen prime slaves which he had 
purchased. He likewise brought with him a young girl 
whom he had married at Kancaba, as his fourth wife, and 
had given her parents three prime slaves for her. She was 
kindly received at the door of the baloon by Karfa's other 
wives, who conducted their new acquaintance and co-part- 
ner into one of the best huts, which they had caused to be 
swept and white-washed, on purpose to receive her.* 

My clothes were by this time become so very ragged, 
that I was almost ashamed to appear out of doors ; but Kar- 
fa, on the day after his arrival, generously presented me 
with such a garment and trowsersas are commonly worn in 
the country. 

The slaves which Karfa had brought with him were all of 
them prisoners of war ; they had been taken by the Bam- 
^arran army in the kingdoms of Wassela and Kaarta, and 
carried to Sego, where some of them had remained three 
years in irons From Sego they were sent, in company 
with a number of other captives, up the Niger, in two large 
canoes, and offered for sale at Yamina, Bammakoo, and Kan- 

* The Negroes white- wash their huts with a mixture of bone-ashes 
and water, to which is commonly added a Uule gum, 



TRAVELS IN THE 



caba ; at which places the greater number of the captives 
were bartered for gold dust, and the remainder sent forward 
to Kankaree. 

Eleven of them confessed to me that they had been slaves 
from their infancy ; but the other two refused to give any 
account of their former condition. They were all very in- 
quisitive ; but they viewed me at first with looks of horror, 
and repeatedly asked if my countrymen were cannibals — 
They were very desirous to know what became cf the slaves 
after they had crossed the salt water. I told them that they 
were employed in cultivating the land ; but they would not 
believe me ; and one of them putting his hand, upon the 
ground, said with great simplicity, " have you really got such 
ground as this to set your feet upon V* A # deeply rooted 
idea, that the whites purchase Negroes for the purpose of 
devouring them, or of selling them to others that they may 
be devoured hereafter, naturally makes the slaves contem- 
plate a journey towards the coast with great terror > inso- 
much, that the Slatees are forced to keep them constantly in 
irons, and watch them very closely, to prevent their escape. 
They are commonly secured by putting the right leg of one 
and the left of another into the same pair of fetters. By 
supporting the fetters with a string they can walk, though 
very slowly. Every four slaves are iikewise fastened to- 
gether by the necks, with a strong rope of twisted thongs t 
and in the night, an additional pair of fetters is put on their 
.hands, and sometimes a light iron chain passed round their 
necks. 

Such of them as evince marks of discontent are secured 
in a different manner. A thick billet of wood is cut, about 
three feet long, and a smooth notch being made upon one 
side of it, the ankle of the slave is bolted to the smooth part 
by means of a strong iron staple, one prong of which passes 
on each side of the ankle. All these fetters and bolts are 
jnade from native iron ; in the present case they were put on 
by the blacksmith, as soon as the slaves arrived from Kan- 
caba, and were not taken off until the morning on which the 
coflle departed for Gambia. 

In other respects, the treatment of the slaves during their 
stay at Kamalia, was far from being harsh or cruel. They 
were led out in their fetters every morning to the shade of 
the tamarind tree, where they were encouraged to play at 
games of hazard, and sing diverting songs to keep up their 



INTERIOR OF AFRICA. 



233 



spirits ; for though some of them sustained the hardships of 
their situation with amazing fortitude, the greater part were 
very much dejected, and would sit all day in a sort of sul- 
len melancholly, with their eyes fixed upon the ground.— 
In the evening their irons were examined, and their hand fet- 
ters put on ; after which they were conducted into two large 
huts, where they were guarded during the night by Karfa's 
domestic slaves. But notwithstanding all this, about a week 
after their arrival, one of the slaves had the address to pro- 
cure a small knife, with which he opened the rings of his 
fetters, cut the rope, and made his escape ; more of them 
would probably have got off had they assisted each other ; 
but the slave no sooner found himself at liberty, than he re- 
fused to stop and assist in breaking the chain which was fas- 
tened round the necks of his companions. 

As all the Slatees and slaves belonging to the cofHe were 
now assembled, either at Kamalia, er at some of the neigh- 
bouring villages, it might have been expected that we should 
have set out immediately for Gambia; but though the day 
of our departure was frequently fixed, it was always found 
expedient to change it. Some of the people had not 
prepared their dry provisions ; others had gone to visit 
their relations, or collect some trifling debts, and last 
of all, it was necessary to consult whether the day would 
be a lucky one. On account of one of these or other such 
causes, our departure was put off, day after day, until the 
month of February was far advanced, after which, all the 
Slatees agreed to remain in their present quarters, until the 
fast moon was over. And here I may remark, that loss of 
time is an object of no great importance in the eyes of a 
Negro. If he has any thing of consequence to perform, it 
is a matter of indifference to him, whether he does it to-day 
or to-morrow, or a month or two hence ; so long as he can 
spend the present moment with any degree of comfort, he 
gives himself very little concern about the future. 

The fast of Rhamadan was observed with great strictness 
]>y all the Bushreens; but instead of compelling me to follow 
their example, as the Moors did on a similar occasion, Karfa 
frankly told me. that I was at liberty to pursue my own incli- 
nation. In order however, to manifest a respect for their reli- 
gious opinions, I voluntarily fasted three days, which was tho't 
sufficient to screen me from the reproachful epithet of Kafir. 
Baring the fast, all the Slatees belonging to the cofHe as- 

U 2 



TRAVELS IN THE 



sembled every morning in Karfa's house, where the school- 
master read to them some religious lessons from a large, 
folio volume, the author of which was an Arab, of the name 
of Sheiffa. In the evening, such of the women as had em- 
braced Mahomedanism assembled, and said their prayers 
publicly at the Misura. They were all dressed in white, 
and went through the different prostrations prescribed by 
their religion, with becoming solemnity. Indeed, during 
the whole fast of Rhamadan, the Negroes behaved them- 
selves with the greatest meekness and humility; forming 
a striking contrast to the savage intolerance and brutal 
bigotry, which at this period characterize the Moors. 

When the fast month was almost at an end, the Bush- 
reens assembled at the Misura, to watch for the appearance 
of the new moon ; but the evening being rather cloudy, 
they were for some time disappointed, and a number of 
them had gone home with a resolution to fast another day, 
-when on a sudden, this delightful object shewed her sharp 
horns from behind a cloud, and was welcomed with the 
clapping of hands, beating of drums, firing muskets, and 
other marks of rejoicing. As this moon is reckoned ex- 
tremely lucky, Karfa gave orders, that all the people be- 
longing to the coffle should immediately pack up their dry- 
provisions, and hold themselves in readiness ; and on the 
16th of April, the Slatees held a consultation, and fixed on 
the 19th of the same month, as the day on which the coffle 
should depart from Kamalia. This resolution freed me 
from much uneasiness, for our departure had already been 
so> long deferred, that I was apprehensive it might still be 
put off until the commencement of the rainy season, and 
although Karfa behaved towards me with the greatest kind- 
ness, I found my situation very unpleasant The Slatees 
Avere unfriendly to me, and the trading Moors who were at 
this time at Kamalia, continued to plot mischief against me 
from the first day of their arrival. Under these circum- 
stances I reflected, that my life in a great measure depend- 
ed on the good opinion of an individual, who was daily hear-* 
ing malicious stories concerning the Europeans, and I could 
hardly expect, that he would always judge with impartiality 
between me and his countrymen. Time had indeed re- 
conciled me in some degree to their mode of life ; and a 
smoky hut, or a scanty supper, gave me no great uneasi- 
ness \ but I became at last wearied out with a constant state* 



INTERIOR OF AFRICA, 



233 



of alarm and anxiety, and felt a painful longing for the mani- 
fold blessings of civilized society. 

On the morning of the 17th a circumstance occurred 
which wrought a considerable change in my favour. The 
three trading Moors, who had lodged under Kaifa's protec- 
tion ever since their arrival at Kamalia, and had gained the 
esteem of all the Bushreens by an appearance of great sanc- 
tity, suddenly packed up their effects, and without once 
thanking Karfa for his kindness towards them, marched 
over the hills to Bala. Every one was astonished at this 
unexpected removal ; but the affair was cleared up in the 
evening, by the arrival of the Fezzan merchant from Kan- 
kaba, mentioned in p. 231, who assured Karfa, that these 
Moors had borrowed all their salt and goods from him, and 
had sent for him to come to Kamalia and receive payment. 
When he was told that they had fled to the westward, he 
wiped a tear from each eye with the sleeve of his cloak, and 
exclaimed, " these shirrukas (robbers) are Mahomedans, 
but they are not men ; they have robbed me of two hun- 
dred minkallies." From this merchant I received infor- 
mation of the capture of our Mediterranean convoy by the 
French, in October 1795. 

April 19th. The long wished-for day of our departure 
was at length arrived, and the Slatees having taken the 
irons from their slaves, assembled with them at the door of 
Karfa's house, where the bundles were all tied up, and eve- 
ry one had his load assigned him. The coffle on its depar- 
ture from Kamalia, consisted of twenty-seven slaves for sale, 
the property of Karfa and four other Slatees; but we were 
afterwards joined by five at Maraboo and three at Bala ; 
making in all thirty-five slaves. The free men were four- 
teen in number, but most of them had one or two wives, 
and some domestic slaves, and the schoolmaster, who was 
now upon his return for Worakoo, the place of his nativity, 
took with him eight of his scholars ; so that the number of 
free people and domestic slaves amounted to thirty-eight, 
and the whole amount of the coffle was seventy-three — 
Among the free men were six Jillakeas (singing men) whose 
musical talents were frequently exerted, either to divert 
our fatigue, or obtain us a welcome from strangers. When 
we departed from Kamalia, we were followed for about half 
a mile, by most of the inhabitants of the town, some of them 
crying, and others shaking hands with their relations, who 



236 



TRAVELS IN THE 



were now about to leave them ; and when we had gained a 
piece of rising ground from which we had a view of Kama- 
lia, all the people belonging to the coffle were ordered to 
sit down in one place, with their faces towards the west, 
and the towns-people were desired to sit down in another 
place, with their faces towards Kamalia. In this situation, 
the schoolmaster with two of the principal Slatees, having 
taken their places between the two parties, pronounced a 
long and solemn prayer ; after which they walked three 
times round the coffle, making an impression in the ground 
with the ends of their spears, and muttering something by 
way of charm. When this ceremony was ended, all the peo- 
ple belonging to the coffle sprang up, and without taking a 
formal farewell of their friends set forwards. As many of 
the slaves had remained for years in irons, the sudden ex- 
ertion of walking quick, with heavy loads upon their heads, 
occasioned spasmodic contractions of their legs, and we had 
not proceeded above a mile, before it was found necessary 
to take two of them from the rope, and allow them to walk 
more slowly until we reached Maraboo, a walled village, 
where some people were waiting to join the coffle. Here 
we stopt about two hours, to allow the strangers time to 
pack up their provisions, and then continued our route to 
Bala, which town we reached about four in the afternoon. 
The inhabitants of Bala at this season of the year, subsist 
chiefly on fish, which they take in great plenty from the 
streams in the neighbourhood. We remained here until 
the afternoon of the next day, the 20th, when we proceeded 
to Worumbang, the frontier village of Man ding towards 
Jallonkadoo. As we proposed shortly to enter the Jallon- 
ka Wilderness, the people of this village furnished us with 
great plenty of provisions, and on the morning of the 21st 
we entered the woods to the westward of Worumbang. — 
After having travelled same little way, a consultation was 
held whether we should continue our route through the 
wilderness, or save one day's provisions by going to Kiny- 
takooro, a town in Jallonkadoo. After debating the matter 
for some time it was agreed, that we should take the road 
for Kinytakoopo, but as that town was a long day's journey 
distant, it was necessary to take some refreshment. Ac- 
cordingly every person opened his provision bag, and 
brought a handful or two of meal to the place where Karfa 
and the Slatees were sitting. When every on-e had brought 



INTERIOR OF AFRICA. 



237 



his quota, and the whole was properly arranged in small 
guord shells, the schoolmaster offered up a short prayer, 
the substance of which was, that God and the holy Prophet 
might preserve us from robbers and all bad people, that our 
provisions might never fail us, nor our limbs become fa- 
tigued. This ceremony being ended, every one partook of 
the meal, and drank a little water ; after which we set for- 
ward, rather running than walking, until we came to the 
river Kokoro, a branch of the Senegal, where we halted 
about ten minutes. The banks of this river are very high, 
and from the grass and brushwood which had been left by 
the stream, it was evident that at this place, the water had 
risen more than twenty feet perpendicular, during the rainy 
season. At this time it was only a small stream, such as 
would turn a mill, swarming with fish, and on account of 
the number of crocodiles, and the danger of being carried 
past the ford by the force of the stream in the rainy season, 
it is called Kokoro (dangerous.) From this place we con- 
tinued to travel with the greatest expedition, and in the af- 
ternoon crossed two small branches of the Kokoro. About 
sunset we came in sight of Kinytakooro, a considerable 
town, nearly square, situated in the middle of a large and 
well cultivated plain ; before we entered the town we halt- 
ed until the people who had fallen behind came up. Dur- 
ing this day's travel two slaves, a woman and a girl belong- 
ing to a Slatee of Bala, were so much fatigued, that they 
could not keep up with the cofRe ; they were severely 
whipped, and dragged along until about three o'clock in the 
afternoon, when they were both affected with vomiting, by 
which it was discovered that they had eaten clay. This 
practice is by no means uncommon amongst the Negroes, 
but whether it arises from a vitiated appetite, or from a set* 
tied intention to destroy themselves, I cannot affirm. They 
were permitted to lie down in the woods, and three people 
remained with them until they had rested themselves ; but 
they did not arrive at the town until past midnight, and w r ere 
then so much exhausted, that the Slatee gave up all thoughts 
of taking them across the woods in their present condition, 
and determined to return with them to Bala, and wait for 
another opportunity 

As this was the first town beyond the limits of Manding, 
greater etiquttt.e than usual was observed. Every person 
was ordered to keep in his proper station, and we marched 



TRAVELS IN THE 



towards the town in a sort of procession, nearly as follows. 
In front, five or six singing men, all of them belonging to 
the coffie; these were followed by the other free people; 
then came the slaves fastened in the usual way by a rope 
round their necks, four of them to a rope, and a man with 
a spear between each four; after thern came the domestic 
slaves, and in the rear the women of free condition, wives 
of the Slatees, Sec. In this manner we proceeded, until we 
came within a hundred yards of the gate ; when the sing- 
ing men began a loud song, well calculated to flatter the 
vanity of the inhabitants, by extolling their known hospita- 
lity to strangers, and their particular friendship for the 
Mandingoes. When we entered the town we proceeded 
to the Bentang, where the people gathered round us to 
bear our dentegi (history) this was related publicly by two 
©f the singing men ; they enumerated every little circum- 
stance which had happened to the coffie, beginning with 
the events of the present day, and relating every thing in a 
backward series, until they reached Kamalia. When this 
history was end^d, the master of the town gave them a small 
present, and all the people of the coffie, both free and en- 
slaved, were invited by some person or other, and accom- 
modated with lodging and provisions for the night. 



CHAPTER XXV. 

The coffie crosses the Jallonka Wilderness. Miserable fate 
of one of the female slaves. Arrives at Sooseeta ; pro- 
ceeds to Manna. Account of Jallonkas. Crosses the Sen- 
egal. Bridge of a singular construction. Arrive* a* 
Malacotta. Remarkable conduct of the King of the Ja~ 

We continued at Kinytakooro until noon of the 22d of 
April, when we removed to a village about seven miles to 
the westward, the inhabitants of which, being apprehensive 
of hostilities from the Foulahs of Fooladoo, were at this time 
employed in constructing small temporary huts among the 



INTERIOR OF AFRICA. 



239 



rocks, on the side of a high hill close to the village. The 
situation was almost impregnable, being every where sur- 
rounded with high precipices, except on the eastern side, 
where the natives had left a pathway sufficient to allow one 
person at a time to ascend. Upon the brow of the hill im~ 
mediately over this path, I observed several heaps of large 
loose stones, which the people told me were intended to be 
thrown down upon the Foulahs, if they should attempt the 
hill. 

At day-break, on the 23d, we departed from this village? 
and entered the Jallonka Wilderness. We passed in the 
course of the morning the ruins of two small towns, which 
had lately been burnt by the Foulahs. The fire must have 
been very intense, for 1 observed that the walls of many of 
the huts were slightly vitrified, and appeared, at a distance, 
as if covered with a red varnish. About ten o'clock we came 
to the river Wonda, which is somewhat larger than the riv- 
er Kokoro ; but the stream was at this time rather 'muddy, 
which Karfa assured me was occasioned by amazing shoals 
of fish. They were indeed seen in. all directions, and in 
such abundance, that I fancied the water itself tasted and 
smelt fishy. As soon as we had crossed the river, Karfa 
gave orders, that all the people of the cofRe should in future 
keep close together, and travel in their proper station ; the 
guides and young men were accordingly placed in the van, 
the women and slaves in the centre, and the free men in the 
rear. In this order we travelled with uncommon expedi- 
tion, through a woody, but beautiful country, interspersed 
with a pleasing variety of hill and dale, and abounding with 
partridges, guinea-fowls, and deer, until sunset, when we ar- 
rived at a most romantic stream called Co-meissang. My 
arms and neck having been exposed to the sun during the 
whole day, and irritated by the rubbing of my dress in walk- 
ing, were now very much inflamed and covered with blis- 
ters, and I was happy to embrace the opportunity, while the 
coffie rested on the bank of this river, to bathe myself in the 
stream. This practice, together with the cool of the eve- 
ning, much diminished the mflammation About three miles 
to the westward of the Co-meissang we halted in a thick 
wood, and kindled our fires for the night. We were all by 
this time very much fatigued, having, as I judged, travelled 
this day thirty miles, but no person was heard to complain. 
'Whilst supper was preparing, Karfa made one of the slaves 



240 



TRAVELS IN THE 



break some branches from the trees for my bed. When we 
had finished our supper of kouskous moistened with some 
boiling water, and put the slaves in irons, we all lay down 
to sleep ; but we were frequently disturbed in the night by 
the howling of wild beasts, and we found the small brown 
ants very troublesome. 

April 24th. Before day-break the Bushreens said their 
morning prayers, and most of the free people drank a little 
moening (a sort of gruel) part of which was likewise given 
to such of the slaves as appeared least able to sustain the fa- 
tigues of the day. One of Karfa's female slaves were very 
sulky, and when some gruel was offered to her she refused 
to drink it As soon as day dawned we set out, and travel- 
led the whole morning over a wild and rocky country, by 
which my feet were much bruised, and I was sadly appre- 
hensive, ihat I should not be able to keep up with the coffle 
during the day ; but I was in a great measure relieved from 
this anxiety, when I observed that others were more ex- 
hausted than myself. In particular, the woman slave who 
had refused victuals in the morning began now to lag be- 
hind, and complain dreadfully of pains in her legs. Her 
load was taken from her and given to another slave, and she 
was ordered to keep in the front of the coffle About elev- 
en o'clock, as we were resting by a small rivulet, some of 
the people discovered a hive of bees in a hollow tree, and 
they were proceeding to obtain the honey, when the largest 
swarm I ever beheld, flew out, and attacking the people of 
the coffle, made us fly in all directions. I took the alarm 
first, and I believe was the only person who escaped with 
impunity. When our enemies thought fit to desist from 
pursuing us, and every person was employed in picking out 
the stings he had received, it was discovered that the poor 
woman abovementioned, whose name was Nealee, was not 
come up, and as many of the slaves in their retreat had left 
their bundles behind them, it became necessary for some 
persons to return and bring them. In order to do this with 
safety, fire was set to the grass a considerable way to the 
eastward of the hive, and the wind driving the fire furiously 
along, the party pushed through tne smoke, and recovered 
the bundles. They likewise brought with them poor Nea- 
lee, whom they found lying by the rivulet. She was very 
much exhausted, and had crept to the stream, in hopes to 
defend herself from the bees by throwing water over her 



INTERIOR OP AFRICA. 



244 



body ; but this proved ineffectual, for she was stung in the 
most dreadful manner. 

When the Slatees had picked out the stings as far as they 
could she was washed with water, and then rubbed with 
bruised leaves ; but the wretched woman obstinately refus- 
ed to proceed any farther, declaring that she would rather 
die than walk another step. As entreaties and threats were 
used in vain, the whip was at length applied, and after bear- 
ing patiently a few strokes, she started up and walked with 
tolerable expedition for four or five hours longer, when she 
made an attempt to run away from the coffle, but was so very 
weak that she fell down in the grass. Though she was un- 
able to rise, the whip was a second time applied, but with- 
out effect ; upon which Karfa desired two of the Slatees to 
place her upon the ass which carried our dry provisions ; 
but she could not sit erect, and the ass being very refracto- 
ry, it was found impossible to carry her forward in that man- 
ner. The Slatees however were unwilling to abandon her, 
the day's journey being nearly ended ; they therefore made 
a sort of litter of Bamboo canes, upon which she was placed, 
and tied on it with slips of bark ; this Jitter was carried up- 
on the heads of two slaves, one walking before the other, 
and they were. followed by two others who relieved them 
occasionally. In this manner the woman was carried for- 
ward until it was -dark, when we reached a stream of water, 
at the foot of a high hill, called Gankaran-Kooro, and here 
we stopt for the night, and set about preparing our suppei. 
As we had only eat one handful of meal since the preceding 
night, and travelled all day in a hot sun, many of the slaves 
who had loads upon their heads, were very much fatigued, 
and some of them snafit their finger 's , which among the Ne- 
groes is a sure sign of desperation. The Slatees immedi- 
ately put them all in irons, and such of them as had evinced 
signs of great despondency, were kept apart from the rest, 
and had their hands tied. In the morning they were fountl 
greatly recovered. 

April 25th. At daybreak poor Nealee was awakened, 
but her limbs were now become so stiff and painful, that 
she could neither walk nor stand; she was therefore lifted 
like a corpse upon the back of the ass, and the Siatees 
endeavoured to secure her in that situation, by fastening her 
hands together under the ass's neck, and her feet under the 
bellv, with long slips of bark ; but the ass was so very uiv 

X 



242 



TRAVELS IN THE 



ruly, that no sort of treatment could induce him to proceed 
with his load, and as Nealee made no exertion to prevent 
herself from falling, she was quickly thrown off and had one 
of her legs much bruised. Every attempt to carry her forward 
being thus found ineffectual, the general cry of the cofile was, 
kang-tegi, kang-tegi, " cut her throat, cut her throat ;" an 
operation I did not wish to see performed, and therefore 
marched onwards with the foremast of the cofHe I had not 
walked above a mile, when one of Karfa's domestic slaves 
came up to me with poor Nealee's garment upon the end of 
his bow, and exclaimed Nealee ajfilita (Nealee is lost.) I ask- 
ed him whether the Slatees had given him the garment as a 
reward for cutting her throat ; he replied, that Karfa and 
the schoolmaster would not consent to that measure, but had 
left her on the road ; where undoubtedly she soon perished, 
and was probably devoured by wild beasts. 

The sad fate of this wretched woman, notwithstanding 
the outcry before mentioned, made a strong impression on 
the minds of the whole coflie, and the schoolmaster fasted 
the whole of the ensuing day in consequence of it. We 
proceeded in deep silence, and soon afterward crossed the 
river Furkoomah, which was about as large as the river 
Wonda. We now travelled with great expedition, every 
one being apprehensive he might otherwise meet with the 
fate of poor Nealee. It was however, with great difficulty 
that I could keep up, although I threw away my spear, and 
every thing that could in the least obstruct me About 
noon we saw a large herd of elephants, but they suffered 
us to pass unmolested, and in the evening we halted near 
a thicket of bamboo, but found no water, so that we were 
forced to proceed four miles farther, to a small stream, 
■where we stopt for the night. We had marched this day, 
as I judged, about twenty-six miles. 

April 26th. This morning two of the schoolmaster's 
pupils complained much of pains in their legs, and one of 
the slaves walked lame, the sGles of his feet being very much 
blistered and inflamed ; we proceeded notwithstanding, 
and about eleven o'clock began to ascend a rocky hill called 
Boki-Kooro, and it was past two in the afternoon before 
we reached the level ground on the other side. This was 
the most rocky road we had yet encountered, and it hurt 
our feet much. In a short time we arrived at a prelty 
Zarge river called Boki, which we forded ; it ran smooth 



INTERIOR OF AFRICA. 



243 



and clear over a bed of whin-stone. About a mile to the 
westward of the river we came to a road which leads to 
the north-east towards Gadou,and seeing the marks of many 
horses feet upon the soft sand, the Slatees conjectured, that 
a party of plunderers had lately rode that way, to fall upon 
some town of Gadou, and lest they should discover upon 
their return, that we had passed, and attempt to pursue us 
by the marks of our feet, the coflle was ordered to disperse, 
and travel in a loose manner through the high grass and 
bushes. A little before it was dark, have crossed the 
ridge of hills to the westward of the river Bold, we came 
to a well called cullong qui (white sand well) and here we 
rested for the night. 

April 27th. We departed from the well early in the 
morning, and walked on with the greatest alacrity, in hopes 
of reaching a town before night. The road during the 
forenoon led through extensive thickets of dry bamboos. 
About two o'clock we came to a stream called Nunkolo, 
where we were each of us regaled with a handful of meal, 
which, according to a supertitious custom, was not to be 
eaten until it was first moistened with water from this 
stream. About four o'clock we reached Sooseeta, a small 
Jallonka village, situated in the district of Kullo, which com- 
prehends all that tract of country lying along the banks of the 
Black river, or main branch of the Senegal. These were the 
first human habitation we had seen since we left the village 
to the westward of Kinytakooro ; having travelled in the 
course of the last five days upwards of one hundred miles. 
Here, after a great deal of entreaty, we were provided with 
huts to sleep in, but the master of the village plainly told us, 
that he could not give us any provisions, as there had lately 
been a great scarcity in this part of the country. He as- 
sured us, that before they had gathered in their present 
crops, the whole inhabitants of Kullo, had been for twenty- 
nine days without tasting corn ; during which time, they 
supported themselves entirely upon the yellow powders 
which is found in the pods of the ?iitta, so called by the na- 
tives, a species of mimosa ; and upon the seeds of the 
bamboo cane, which, when properly pounded and dressed, 
taste very much like rice. As our dry provisions were not 
yet exhausted, a considerable quantity of kouskous was 
dressed for supper, and many of the villagers were invited 
tp take part of the repast ; but they made a very bad return 



TRAVELS IN THE 



lor this kindness, for in the night they seized upon one of 
the schoolmaster's boys who had fallen asleep under the 
Bentang tree, and carried him away. The boy fortunately 
awoke before he was far from the village, and setting up a 
loud scream, the man who carried him put his hand upon 
his mouth, and ran with him into the woods; but afterward 
understanding, that he belonged to the schoolmaster, whose 
place of residence is only three day's journey distant, he 
thought, I suppose, that he could not retain him as a slave, 
without the schoolmaster's knowledge ; and therefore strip- 
ped off the boy's clothes, and permitted him to return. 

April 28th. Early in the morning we departed from 
Sooseeta, and about ten o'clock came to an unwalled town 
called Manna, the inhabitants of which were employed in 
collecting the fruit of the nitta trees, which are very nume- 
rous in this neighbourhood. The pods are long and narrow, 
and contain a few black seeds enveloped in the fine mealy 
powder before mentioned ; the meal itself is of a bright 
yellow colour, resembling the flour of sulphur, and has a 
sweet mucilaginous taste ; when eaten by itself it is clammy, 
but when mixed with milk or water, it constitutes a very 
pleasant and nourishing article of diet. 

The language of the people of Mana, is the same that is 
spoken all over that extensive and hilly country called Jal- 
lonkadoo. Some of the words have a great affinity to the 
Mandingo, but the natives themselves consider it as a distinct 
language : Their numerals are these— 



One 




Kidding-. 


Two 




Fidding. 


Three 




Sarra. 


Four 




JSFani, 


Five 




Soolo. 


Six 




Sent. 


Seven 




Soolo ma jidding. 


Eight 




Soolo ma sarra. 


Nine 




Soolo ma nani. 


Ten 




Mff. 



The Jallonkas, like the Mandingoes, are governed by a 
number of petty chiefs, who are in a great measure inde- 
pendent of each other ; they have no common sovereign, 
and the chiefs are seldom upon such terms of friendship as 



INTERIOR OF AFRICA. 



245 



to assist each other, even in wartime. The chief of Manna, 
with a number of his people, accompanied us to the banks of 
the Baling or Black river, a principal branch of the Senegal, 
which we crossed upon abridge of bamboos of a very singula:* 
construction. The river at this place is smooth and deep and 
has very little current. Two tall trees, when tied together 
by the tops, are sufficiently long to reach from one side to 
the other, the roots resting upon the rocks, and the tops 
floating in the water. When a few trees have been placed 
in this direction, they are covered with dry bamboos, so as 
to form a floating bridge, with a sloping gang- way at each 
end where the trees rest upon the rocks. This bridge is 
carried away every year by the swelling of the river in the 
rainy season, and is constantly rebuilt by the inhabitants of 
Manna, who on that account, expect a small tribute from ev- 
ery passenger. 

In the afternoon we passed several villages, at none of 
which could we procure a lodging ; and in the twilight we 
received information, that two hundred Jallonkas had assem- 
bled near a town called Melo, with a view to plunder the 
coffie. This induced us to alter our course, and we travel- 
led with great secrecy until midnight, when we approached 
a town called Koba. Before we entered the town, the names 
of all the people belonging to the coffie were called over, 
and a free man and three slaves were found to be missing. — 
Every person immediately concluded that the slaves had 
murdered the free man, and made their escape. It was 
therefore agreed, that six people should go back as far as 
the last village, and endeavour to find his body, or collect 
some information concerning the slaves. In the mean time 
the coffie was ordered to lie concealed in a cotton field, near 
a large nitta tree, and nobody to speak, except in a whisper. 
It was towards morning before the six men returned, having; 
heard nothing of the man or the slaves. As none of us had 
tasted victuals for the last twenty-four hours, it was agreed 
that we should go into Koba, and endeavour to procure 
some provisions. We accordingly entered the town before 
it was quite day, and Karfa purchased from the chief man, 
for three strings of beads, a considerable quantity of ground 
nuts, which we roasted and eat for breakfast ; we were af- 
terwards provided with huts, and rested here for the day. 

About eleven o'clock, to our great joy and surprise, the 
free man and slaves who had departed from the coffie the 

X % 



246 



TRAVELS IN THE 



preceding night, entered the town. One of the slaves, it 
seems, had hurt his foot, and the night being very dark, they 
soon lost sight of the coffie. The free man, as soon as he 
found himself alone with the slaves, was aware of his own 
danger, and insisted on putting them in irons. The slaves 
were at first rather unwilling to submit, but when he threat- 
ened to stab them one by one with his spear, they made no 
further resistance, and he remained with them among the 
bushes until morning, when he let them out of irons, and 
came to the town in hopes of hearing which route the cof- 
He had taken. The information that we received concern- 
ing the Jallonkas, who intended to rob the coffie, was this 
lay confirmed, and we were forced to remain here until the 
afternoon of the 30th, when Karfa hired a number of peo- 
ple to protect us, and we proceeded to a village called Tin- 
kin gtang. Departing from this village on the day follow- 
ing, we crossed a high ridge of mountains to the west of the 
Black river, and travelled over a rough atony country until 
sunset, when we arrived at Lingicotta, a small village in the 
district of Woradoo. Here we shook out the last handful 
of meal from our dry provision bags, this being the second 
clay since we crossed the Black river, that we had travelled 
From morning until night, without tasting one morsel of 
food. 

May 2d. We departed from Lingicotta, but the slaves 
being very much fatigued, we halted for the night at a vil- 
lage about nine miles to the westward, and procured some 
provisions through the interest of the schoolmaster ; wha 
now sent forward a messenger to Malacotta, his native town, 
.o inform his friends of his arrival in the country, and to de- 
sire them to provide the necessary quantity of victuals to- 
on ter tain the coffle for two or three days* 

May 3d. We set out for Malacotta, and about noon ar- 
rived at a village near a considerable stream of water, which 
Hows to the westward ; here we determined to stop for the 
return of the messenger, which had been sent to Malacotta 
the day before \ and as the natives assured me there was 
no crocodiles in this stream, I went and bathed my self- 
Very few people here can swim, for they came in numbers 
to dissuade me from venturing into a pool, where they said 
the water would come over my head. About two o'clock 
\he messenger returned from Malacotta, and the school- 
master's, eldest brother being impatient to see him, cams 



INTERIOR OF AFRICA. 



247 



along with the messenger to meet him at this village. The 
interview between the two brothers, who had not seen each 
other for nine years, was very natural and affecting. They 
fell upon each other's neck, and it was some time before 
cither of them could speak. At length, when the school- 
master had a little recovered himself, he took his brother 
by the hand, and turning round, " This is the man," said he 
pointing to Karfa, " who has been my father ift Manding ; 
f( I would have pointed him out sooner to you, but my heart 
« was full." 

We reached Malcotta in the evening, where we were wel* 
received. This is an unwalled town ; the huts for the most 
part are made of split cane, twisted into a sort of wicker- 
work, and plastered over with mud. Here we remained 
three days, and were each day presented with a bullock 
from the schoolmaster ; we were likewise well entertained 
by the towns-people, who appear to be very active and in- 
dustrious. They make very good soap by boiling ground 
nuts in water, and then adding a lye of wood ashes. They 
likewise manufacture excellent iron, which they carry to 
Bondou to barter for salt. A party of the towns-people had 
lately returned from a trading expedition of this kind, and 
brought information concerning a war between Almami Ab- 
dulkader king of Foota Torra, and Darnel king of the Ja- 
loffs. The events of this war soon became a favourite sub- 
ject with the singing men, and the common topic of conver- 
sation in all the kingdoms bordering upon the Senegal and 
Gambia; and as the account is somewhat singular, I shall 
here abridge it for the reader's information. The king of 
Foota Torra, inflamed with a zeal for propogating his reli- 
gion, had sent an embassy to Darnel, similar to that which 
he had sent to Kasson, as related in a former part of this 
work. The ambassador, on the present occasion, was ac- 
companied by two of the principal Bushreens, who carried 
each a large knife fixed on the top of a long pole. As soon 
as he had procured admission into the presence of Darnel, 
and announced the pleasure of his sovereign, he ordered the 
Bushreens to present the emblems of his mission. The 
two knives were accordingly laid before Darnel, and the 
ambassador explained himself as follows : " With this knife, " 
said he, " Abdulkader, will condescend to shave the head of 
« Darnel, if Darnel will embrace the Mahomedan faith ; and 
tt with this other knife, Abdulkader will cut the throat 



TRAVELS IN THE 



" of Darnel, if Darnel refuses to embrace it ; — take your 
" choice." Darnel coolly told the ambassador that he had 
no choice to make ; he neither chose to have his head 
shaved, nor his throat cut ; and w'uh this answer the ambas- 
sador was civilly dismissed. Abdulkader took his meas- 
ures accordingly, and with a powerful army invaded Da- 
rnel's country. The inhabitants of the towns and villages 
filled up their w r ells, destroyed their provisions, carried off 
their effects, and abandoned their dwellings, as he approach- 
ed. By this means he was led on from place to place, un- 
til he had advanced three day's journey into the country of 
the Jaloffs. He had indeed met with no opposition, but his 
army had suffered so much from the scarcity of water, that 
several of his men had died by the way. This induced him 
to direct his march towards a watering place in the woods, 
where his men having quenched their thirst, and being over- 
come with fatigue, lay down carelessly to sleep among the 
bushes. In this situation they were attacked by Darnel be- 
fore day-break, and completely routed. Many of them 
were trampled to death, as they lay asleep, by the Jaloff 
horses ; others were killed in attempting to make their es- 
cape ; and a still greater number were taken prisoners — 
Among the latter was Abdulkader himself. This ambitious 
or rather frantic prince, who but a month before had sent 
the threatning message to Darnel, was now himself led into 
his presence as a miserable captive. The behaviour of Da- 
rnel on this occasion, is never mentioned by the singing men 
but in terms of the highest approbation, and it was indeed, 
so extraordinary, in an African prince, that the, reader may 
Snd it difficult to give credit to the recital When his royal 
prisoner was brought before him in irons, and thrown upon 
the ground, the magnanimous Darnel, instead of setting 
his foot upon his neck and stabbing him with his spear, ac- 
cording to custom in such cases, addressed him as follows : 
« Abdulkader, answer me this question : If the chance of 
« war had placed me in your situation, and you in mine, how 
" would you have treated me ?" " I would have thrust my 
" spear into your heart," returned Abdulkader, with great 
firmness, " and I know that a similar fate awaits me." — • 
" Not so, said Darnel, my spear is indeed red with the blood 
" of your subjects killed in battle, and I could now give it a 
* deeper stain by dipping it in your own ; but this would 
« not build up my towns, nor bring to life the thousands 



INTERIOR OF AFRICA. 



249 



who fell in the woods. I will not, therefore, kill you in 
" cold blood, but I will retain you as my slave, until I per- 
" ceive, that your presence in your own kingdom will be no 
u longer dangerous to your neighbours, and then I will con- 
i£ sider of the proper way of disposing of you." Abdulka- 
der was accordingly retained, and worked as a slave for 
three months ; at the end of which period, Darnel listened 
to the solicitations of the inhabitants of Foota Torra, and re- 
stored to them their king. Strange as this story may ap- 
pear, I have no doubt of the truth of it ; It was told me at 
Malacotta by the Negroes ; it was afterwards related to me 
by the Europeans on the Gambia ; by some of the French 
at Goree, and confirmed by nine slaves, who were taken 
prisoners along with Abdulkader by the watering place in the 
woods, and carried in the same ship with me to the West In* 
dies. 



CHAPTER XXVI. 

The Caravan firoceeda to Konkodoo and cresses the Faleme 
river. Arrival at several places. Incidents on the way. 
A matrimonial case. The Caravan proceeds through many 
towns and villages and arrives on the banks of the Gambia ; 
passes through Medina, the capital of Woolli, and finally 
stops at Jidney. The Author proceeds to Pisania. Va- 
rious occurrences previous to his departure from Africa, 
His passage in an American ship. Short account of hi3 
voyage to Great Britain by the way of the West Indies^ 

O N the 7th of May we departed from Malacotta, and hav- 
ing crossed the Ba lee, " Honey river,'* a branch of the Sen- 
egal, we arrived in the evening at a walled town called Bin- 
tingala, where we rested two days. From thence, in one 
day more, we proceeded to Dindikoo, a small town situated 
at the bottom of a high ridge of hills, from which this dis- 
trict is named Konkodoo, " the hilly country/' These hills 
are very productive of gold. I was shewn a small quantity 



2bv 



TRAVELS IN THE 



of this metal, 'which had been lately collected ; the -grains 
were about the usual size, but much flatter than those of 
Manding, and were found in white quartz, which had been 
broken to pieces by hammers. At this town I met with a 
Negro whose hair and skin were of a djdl white colour. — . 
He was of that sort which are called ill the Spanish West In- 
dies, Albinos, or white Negroes. The skin is cadaverous 
and unsightly, and the natives considered this complexion, 
I believe truly, as the effect of disease. 

May 1 1th. At daybreak we departed from Dindikoo, and 
after a toilsome day's travel, arrived in the evening at Sata- 
doo, the capital of a district of the same name. This town 
was formerly of considerable extent, but many families had 
left it in consequence of the predatory incursions of the Fou- 
lahs of Foota Jalla, who made it a practice to come secretly 
through the woods, and carry oft the people from the corn- 
fields, and even from the wells near the town. In the after- 
noon of the 12th we crossed the Faleme river, the same 
which I had formerly crossed at Bondou, in my journey- 
eastward. This river at this season of the year is easily ford- 
ed at this place, the stream being only about two feet deep. 
The water is very pure and flows rapidly over a bed of sand 
and gravel. W e lodged for the night at a small village cal- 
led Medina, the sole provcrty of a Mandingo merchant, who 
by a long intercourse with Europeans, has been induced to 
adopt some of their customs. His victuals were served up 
in pewter dishes, and even his houses were built after the 
fashion of the English houses on the Gambia. 

May 13th. In the morning, as we were preparing to de- 
part, a coffle of slaves belonging to some SerawoollHraders, 
crossed the river, and agreed to proceed with us to Banise- 
rile, the capital of Dentila; a very long days 5 journey from 
this place. We accordingly set out together, and travelled 
with great expedition through the woods until noon, when 
one of the Serawoolli slaves dropt the load from his head, 
for which he was smartly whipped. The load was replaced ; 
but he had not proceeded above a mile before he let it fall 
a second time, for which he received the same punishment. 
After this he travelled in great pain until about two o'clock, 
when we stopt to breathe a little by a pool of water, the day 
being remarkably hot. The poor slave was now so com- 
pletely exhausted, that his master was obliged to release 
him from the rope, for he lay motionless on the ground. A 



INTERIOR OF AFRICA. 



25 i 



Serawoolli therefore undertook to remain with him, and en- 
deavour to bring him to the town during the cool of the 
night ; in the meanwhile we continued our route, and after 
a very hard days' travel, arrived at Baniserile late in the 
evening. 

One of our Slatees was a native of this place, from which 
he had been absent three years. This man invited me to 
go with him to his house, at the gate of which his friends 
met him, with many expressions of joy, shaking hands with 
him, embracing him, and singing and dancing before him. 
As soon as he had seated himself upon a mat by the 
threshold of his door, a young woman, his intended bride, 
brought a little water in a calabash, and kneeling down be- 
fore him, desired him to wash his hands; when he had done 
this, the girl, with a tear of joy sparkling in her eyes, drank 
the water, this being considered as the greatest proof she 
could possibly give him of her fidelity and attachment -— 
About eight o'clock the same evening, the Serawoolli, who 
had been left in the woods to take care of the fatigued 
slave, returned and told us that he was dead ; the general 
opinion however, was, that he himself had killed him, or left 
him to perish on the road ; for the Serawoollies are said to 
be infinitely more cruel in their treatment of slaves than 
the Mandingoes. We remained at Baniserile two days, in 
order to purchase native iron, shea-butter, and some other 
articles for sale on the Gambia ; and here, the Slatee who 
had invited me to his house, and who possessed three 
slaves, part of the cofHe, having obtained information that 
the price on the coast was very low, determined to separate 
from us and remain with his slaves where he was, until an 
opportunity should offer of disposing of them to advantage ; 
giving us to understand, that he should complete his nup- 
tials with the young woman before mentioned, in the mean- 
time. 

May 16th. We departed from Baniserile and travelled 
through thick woods until noon, when we saw at a distance 
the town of Julifunda, but did not approach it, as we propo- 
sed to rest for the night at a large town called Kirwani, 
which we reached about four o'clock in the afternoon. This 
town stands in a valley, and the country for more than a 
mile round it, is cleared of wood, and well cultivated. The 
inhabitants appear to be very active and industrious, and 
seem to have carried the system of agriculture to some de- 



TRAVELS IN THE 



gree of perfection ; for they collect the dung of their cattle 
into large heaps during the dry season, for the purpose of 
manuring their land with it at the proper time. I saw no- 
thing like this in any other part of Africa. Near the town 
are several smelting furnaces, from which the natives ob- 
tain very good iron. They afterwards hammer the metal 
into small bars, about a foot in length and two inches in 
breadth, one of which bars is sufficient to make two Man- 
dingo corn paddles. On the morning after our arrival we 
were visited by a Slatee of this place, who informed Karfa, 
that among some slaves he had lately purchased, was a na- 
tive of Foota Jalla ; and as that country was at no great dis- 
tance, he could not safely employ him in the labours of the 
field, lest he should effect his escape. The Slatee was 
therefore desirous of exchanging this slave for one of Kar- 
fa' s, and offered some cloth and shea-butter to induce Karfa 
to comply with the proposal, which Was accepted. The 
Slatee thereupon sent a boy to order the slave in question 
to bring him a few ground nuts. The poor creature soon 
afterwards entered the court in which we were silting, hav- 
ing no suspicion of what was negociating, until the master 
caused the gate to be shut, and told him to sit down. The 
slave now saw his danger, and perceiving the gate to be 
shut upon him, threw down the nuts and jumped over the 
fence. He was immediately pursued and overtaken by the 
Slatees, who brought him back, and secured him in irons, 
after which, one of Karfa's slaves was released and deliver- 
ed in exchange. The unfortunate captive was at first very 
much dejected, but in the course of a few days his melan- 
choly gradually subsided, and he became at length as cheer- 
ful as any of his companions. 

Departing from Kirwani, on the morning of the 20th we 
entered the Tenda Wilderness of two days' journey. The 
woods were very thick, and the country shelved towards 
the south-west. About ten o'clock we met a coffle of twen- 
ty-six people, and seven loaded asses, returning from the 
Gambia. Most of the men were armed with muskets, and 
had broad belts of scarlet cloth over their shoulders, and 
European hats upon their heads. They informed us that 
there was very little demand for slaves on the coast, as no 
vessel had arrived for some months past. On hearing this, 
the Serawoollies who had travelled with us from the Faleme 
river, separated themselves and their slaves from the coffie.. 



INTERIOR OF AFRICA. 

They had not, they said, the means of maintaining their 
slaves in Gambia until a vessel should arrive, and were un- 
willing to sell them to disadvantage ; they therefore de- 
parted to the northward for Kajaaga. We continued our 
route through the Wilderness, and travelled all day through 
a rugged country, covered with extensive thickets of bam- 
boo. At sunset, to our great joy, we arrived at a pool of 
water near a large Tabba tree, whence the place is called 
Tabba gee, and here we rested a few hours. The water at 
this season of the year is by no means plentiful in these 
woods, and as the days were insufferably hot, Karfa propo- 
sed to travel in the night. Accordingly about ele ven o'clock, 
the slaves were taken out of their irons, and the people of 
the cofHe Teceived orders to keep close together, as well to 
prevent the slaves from attempting to escape, as on account 
of the wild beasts. We travelled with great alacrity until 
daybreak, when it was discovered that a free woman had 
parted from the cofHe in the night; her name was called 
until the woods resounded, but no answer being given, we 
conjectured that she had either mistaken the road, or that 
a lion had seized her unperceived. At length it was agreed, 
that four people should go back a few miles to a small rivu- 
*et ? where some of the cofHe had stopt to drink, as we pas- 
sed it in the night, and that the cofHe should wait for their 
return. The sun was about an hour high before the peo- 
ple came back with the woman, whom they found lying fast 
asleep by the stream. We now resumed our journey, and 
about eleven o'clock reached a walled town called Tamba- 
cunda, where we were well received. Here we remained 
four days, on account of a palaver which was held on the 
following occasion : Modi Lemina, one of the Slate es be- 
longing to the cofHe, had formerly married a woman of this 
town, who had borne him two children; he afterwards went 
to Manding, and remained there eight yea^s, without send- 
ing any account of himself during all that time to his de- 
serted wife ; who, seeing no prospect of his return, at the 
end of three years had married another man, to whom she 
had likewise borne two children. Lemina now claimed bis 
wife ; but the second husband refused to deliver her up, in- 
sisting that by the laws of Africa, when a man has been absent 
three years from his wife, without giving her notice of his 
being alive, the woman is at liberty to marry again. After 
s!i the circumstances had been fullv investigated in an a* 

Y 



254 



TRAVELS IN THE 



sembly of the chief men, it was determined, that the wife 
should make her choice, and be at liberty either to return 
to the first husband, or continue with the second, as she 
alone should think proper. Favourable as this determina- 
tion was, to the lady, she found it a difficult matter to make 
up her mind, and requested time for consideration ; but I 
think I could perceive, that first love would carry the day. 
Lemina was indeed somewhat older than his rival, but he 
was also much richer. What weight this circumstance 
had in the scale of his wife's affections, I pretend not to say. 

On the morning of the 26th, as we departed from Tam- 
bacunda, Karfa observed to me, that there were no shea 
trees farther to the westward than this town. I had col- 
lected and brought with me from Manding the leaves and 
flowers of this tree ; but they were so greatly bruised on 
the road that I thought it best to gather another specimen 
at this place. The appearance of the fruit evidently places 
the shea tree in the natural order of safiot/e, and it has 
some resemblance to the madhuca tree, described by Lieu- 
tenant Charles Hamilton, in the Asiatic Researches, Vol. I. 
p. 300. About one o'clock we reached Sibikillin, a walled 
village, but the inhabitants, having the character of inhos- 
pitality towards strangers, and of being much addicted to 
theft, we did not think proper to enter the gate. We rested 
a short time under a tree, and then continued our route 
until it was dark, when we halted for the night by a small 
stream running towards the Gambia. Next day the road 
led over a wild and rocky country, every where rising into 
bills, and abounding with monkeys and wild beasts. In the 
rivulets among the hills, we found great plenty of fish. 
This was a very hard days* journey, and it was not until 
sunset, that we reached the village of Koomboo, near to 
which are the ruins of a large town formerly destroyed by 
war. The inhabitants of Koomboo, like those of Sibikillin, 
have so bad a reputation, that strangers seldom lodge in the 
village; we accordingly rested for the night in the fields, 
where we erected temporary huts for our protection, there 
being great appearance of rain. 

May 23th. We departed from Koomboo and slept at a 
Foulah town about seven miles to the westward ; from 
which, on the day following, having crossed a considerable 
branch of the Gambia, called Neola Koba, we reached a 
iveil inhabited part of the country. Here are several towns 



INTERIOR OF AFRICA. 



255 



within sight of each other, collectively called Tenda, but 
each is distinguished also by its particular name. We 
lodged at one of them called Koba Tenda, where we re- 
mained the day following, in order to procure provisions for 
our support in crossing the Simbani woods. On the 30th 
we reached Jallacotta, a considerable town, but much in- 
fested by Foulah banditti, who come through the woods from 
Bondou, and steal every thing they can lay their hands on. 
A few days before our arrival they had stolen twenty head 
of cattle, and on the day following made a second attempt, 
but were beaten off, and one of them taken prisoner. Here 
one of the slaves belonging to the coflle, who had travelled 
with great difficulty for the last three days, was found una- 
ble to proceed any farther; his master, a singing man, pro- 
posed therefore to exchange him lor a young slave girl, 
belonging to one of the towns-people. The poor girl was 
ignorant of her fate until the bundles were all tied up in the 
morningi and the coffle ready to depart, when, coming with 
3ome other young women to see the coffle set out, her mas- 
ter took her by the hand and delivered her to the singing 
man. Never was a face of serenity more suddenly changed 
into one of the deepest distress; the terror she manifested 
on having the load put upon her head, and the rope fastened 
round her neck, and the sorrow with which she bade adieu 
to her companions, were truly affecting. About nine o'clock 
we crossed a large plain covered with ciboa trees, a species 
of the palm, and came to the river Nerico, a branch of the 
Gambia. This was but a small river at this time, but in the 
rainy season it is often dangerous to travellers. As soon as 
we had crossed this river, the singing men began to vocife- 
rate a particular song, expressive of their joy at having got 
safe into the west country, or, as they expressed it, the land 
of the setting sun. The country was found to be very level, 
and the soil a mixture of clay and sand. In the afternoon 
it rained hard, and we had recourse to the common Negro 
umbrella, a large ciboa leaf, which being placed upon the 
head, completely defends the whole body from the rain. 
We lodged for the night under the shade of a large tabba 
tree near the ruins of a village. On the morning following 
we crossed a stream called Noulico, and about two o'clock, 
to my infinite joy, I saw myself once more on the banks of 
the Gambia, which at this place being deep and smooth, is 
navigable ; but the people told me, that a little lower down 



$i 6 



TRAVELS IN THE 



the stream is so shallow, that the coffles frequently cross it 
on foot. On the south side of the river opposite to this 
place, is a large plain of clayey ground, called Toombi Too- 
rila. It is a sort of morass in which people are frequently 
lost, it being more than a days' journey across it. In the 
afternoon we met a man and two women, with bundles of 
cotton cloth upon their heads. They were going, they said, 
for Dentila, to purchase iron, there being a great scarcity of 
that article on the Gambia. A little before it was dark we 
arrived at a village in the kingdom of Woolli, called Seesu- 
kunda. Near this village there are great plenty of nitta 
trees, and the slaves in passing along had collected large 
bunches of the fruit, but such was the superstition of the 
inhabitants, that they would not permit any of the fruit to 
be brought into the village. They had been told, they said, 
that some catastrophe would happen to the place, when peo- 
ple lived upon nittas, and neglected to cultivate corn. 

June 2d. We departed from Seesukunda, and passed a 
number of villages, at none of which was the cofRe permit- 
ted to stop, although we were all very much fatigued ; it 
v/as four o'clock in the afternoon before we reached Bara- 
conda, were we rested one day. Departing from Baraconda 
on the morning of the 4th, we reached in a few hours Me- 
dina, the capital of the king of Wolli's dominions, from 
whom the reader may recollect, I received an hospitable 
reception in the beginning of December, 1795, in my jour- 
ney eastward, (vide p. 41). I immediately inquired con- 
cerning the health of my good old benefactor, and learnt with 
great concern that he was dangerously ill. As Karfa would 
not allow the coffle to stop, I could not present my res- 
pects to the king in person ; but I sent him word by the 
officer to whom we paid customs, that his prayers for my 
safety had not been unavailing. We continued our route 
nntii sunset, when we lodged at a small village a little to the 
westward of Kootakunda, and on the day following arrived 
at Jindey ; where, eighteen months before, I had parted 
trorn my friend Dr. Laidley; an interval, during which I 
had not beheld the face of a Christian, nor once heard the 
delightful sound of my native language. 

Being now arrived within a short distance of Pisania, 
irom whence my journey originally commenced, and learn- 
ing that my friend Karfa was not likely to meet with an im- 
mediate opportunity of selling his slaves on the Gambia, it 



INTERIOR OF AFRICA. 



occurred tome to suggest to him, that he would find it 
for his interest to leave them at Jindey until a market 
should offer. Karfa agreed with me in this opinion, and 
hired, from the chief man of the town, huts for their ac- 
commodation, and a piece of land on which to employ them, 
in raising corn and other provisions for their maintenance. 
With regard to himself, he declared that he would not quit 
me until my departure from Africa. We set out according- 
ly, Karfa, myself, and one of the Foulahs belonging to the 
coffle, early on the morning of the 9th ; but although I was 
now approaching the end of my tedious and toilsome jour- 
ney, and expected in another day to meet with country- 
men and friends, I could not part for the last time with my 
unfortunate fellow-travellers, doomed as I knew most of 
them to be to a life of captivity and slavery in a foreign land, 
without great emoticn. During a wearisome peregrination 
of more than five hundred British miles, exposed to the 
burning rays of a tropical sun, these poor slaves*, amidst 
their own infinitely greater sufferings would commiserate 
mine, and frequently, of their own accord, bring water to 
quench my thirst, and at night collect branches and leaves 
to prepare me a bed in the Wilderness. We parted with 
reciprocal expressions of regret and benediction. My good 
wishes and prayers were all I could bestow upon them, 
and it afforded me some consolation to be- told, that they 
were sensible I had no more to give. 

My anxiety to get forward admitting of no delay on the roac] > 
we reached Tendacunda in the evening* and were hospitably 
received at the house of an aged black female called Se- 
niora Camilla, a person who had resided many years at' the 
English factory, and spoke our language. I was known to 
her before I left the Gambia, at the outset of my journey ; 
but my dress and figure were now so different from the 
usual appearance of an European, that she was very excu- 
sable in mistaking me for a Moor. V> hen I told her my 
name and country, she surveyed me with great astonish- 
ment, and seemed unwilling to give credit to the testimony 
of her senses. She assured me that none of the traders on 
the Gambia, ever expected te see me again,, having been 
informed long ago, that the Moors of Ludamar had. murder- 
ed me, as they had murdered Major Houghton. I inquired 
for my two attendants, Johnson and Demba, and learm, 
Y 2 



TRAVELS IN THE 



with great sorrow, that neither of them was returned. Karfa 
who had never before heard people converse in English, 
listened to us with great attention. Every thing he saw 
seemed wonderful The furniture of the house, the chairs, 
&c\ and particularly beds with curtains, were objects of his 
great admiration, and he asked me a thousand questions 
concerning the utility and necessity of different articles, to 
some of which I found it difficult to give satisfactory an- 
swers. 

On the morning of the I Oth, Mr. Robert Ainsley, hav- 
ing learnt that 1 was at Tendacunda, came to meet me, and 
politely offered me the use of his horse. He informed me, 
that Dr Laidley h^d removed all his property to a place 
called Kaye, a little farther down the river, and that he 
w as then gone to Doomasansa with his vessel, to purchase 
rice, but would return in a day or two. He therefore in- 
vited me to stay with him at Pisania, until the Doctor's re- 
turn. I accepted the invitation, and being accompanied by 
my friend Karfa, reached Pisania about ten o'clock. Mr. 
Ainsley's schooner was lying at anchor before the place. 
This was the most surprising object which Karfa had yet 
seen. He could not easily comprehend the use of the 
masts, sails, and rigging ; nor did he conceive that it was 
possible, by any sort of contrivance, to make so large a body 
move forwards by the common force of the wind The 
manner of fastening together the different planks which 
composed the vessel, and filling up the seams so as to ex- 
clude the water, was perfectly new to him, and I found that 
the schooner with her cable and anchor, kept Karfa in deep 
meditation the greater part of the day. 

About noon on the 12th Dr. Laidley returned from Doo- 
masansa, and received mo with great joy and satisfaction, as 
one risen from > the dead Finding that the wearing ap- 
parel which I had left under his care was not sold or sent to 
England, I lost no time in resuming the English dress 
and disrobing my chin of its venerable incumbrance. 
Karfa surveyed me in my British apparel with great delight, 
but regretted exceedingly that I had taken off my beard, 
the loss of which, he said had converted me from a man 
into a boy. Doctor Laidley readily undertook, to discharge 
all the pecuniary engagements which I had entered into 
since my departure from the Gambia, and took my draft 
^ipon the Association for the amount. My agreement witk 



INTERIOR OF AFRICA, 



Karfa, as I have already related, was to pay him the value 
of one prime slave, for which I had given him my bill upon 
Dr Laidley, before we departed from Kamalia ; for, incase 
of my death on the road, I was unwilling that my benefac- 
tor should be a loser But this good creature had con- 
tinued to manifest towards me so much kindness, that I 
thought I made him but an inadequate recompence, when 
I told him that he was now to receive double the sum I 
had originally promised ; and Dr. Laidley assured him, that 
he was ready to deliver the goods to that amount, when- 
ever he thought proper to send for them Karfa was over- 
powered by this unexpected token of my gratitude, and 
still more so, when he heard, that I intended to send a 
handsome present to the good old schoolmaster, Fankoorna, 
at Malacotta. He promised to carry up the goods along 
with his own, and Dr Laidley assured him that he would 
exert himself in assisting him to dispose of his slaves to the 
best advantage, the moment a slave vessel should arrive. 
These, and other instances of attention and kindness shewn 
him by Dr. Laidley, were not lost upon Karfa He would 
often say to me, " my journey has indeed been prosper- 
ous But observing the improved state of our manufac- 
tures, and our manifest superiority in the arts of civilized life, 
he would sometimes appear pensive, and exclaim with an 
involuntary sigh,ya£o Jing inta feng, •» black men are noth- 
ing." At other times he would ask me, with great serious- 
ness, what could possibly have induced me, who was no 
trader, to think of exploring so miserable a country as 
Africa? He meant by this to signify that, after what I must 
have witnessed in my own country, nothing in Africa could 
in his opinion deserve a moment's attention. I have pre- 
served these little traits of character in this worthy Negro, 
not only from regard to the man, but also because they 
appear to me a demonstrate, that he possessed a mind above 
his condition ; and to such of my readers, as love to con- 
template human nature in all its varieties, and to trace its 
progress from rudeness to refinement, I hope the account 
I have given of this poor African, will not be unacceptable. 

No European vessel had arrived at Gambia for many 
months previous to my return from the interior, and as the 
rainy season was now sitting in, I persuaded Karfa to return 
to his people at Jindey. He parted with me on the 14th 
with great tenderness ; but as I had little hopes of being 



260 



TRAVELS IN THE 



able to quit Africa for the remainder of the year, I told him, 
as the fact was, that I expected to see him again before my 
departure. In this however, I was luckily disappointed, 
and my narrative now hastens to its conclusion; for on the 
15th, the ship Charles-town, an American vessel, command- 
ed by Mr. Charles Harris, entered the river. She came for 
slaves, intending to touch at Goree to fill up, and to proceed 
from thence to South-Carolina. As the European mer- 
chants on the Gambia had at this time a great many slaves 
on hand, they agreed with the captain to purchase the whole 
of his cargo, consisting chiefly of rum and tobacco, and de- 
liver him slaves to the amount in the course of two days.— 
This afforded me such an opportunity of returning, though 
by a circuitous route, to my native country, as I thought 
%vas not to be neglected. I therefore immediately engaged 
my passage in this vessel for America, and having taken 
leave of Dr. Laidiey, to whose kindness I was so largely in- 
debted, and my other friends on the river, I embarked at 
Kaye on the 17th day of June. 

Our passage down the river was tedious and fatiguing, 
and the weather was so hot, moist, and unhealthy, that be- 
fore our arrival at Goree, four of the seamen, the surgeon, 
and three of the slaves, had died of fevers. At Goree we 
were detained, for want of provisions, until the beginning 
of October. 

The number of slaves received on board this vessel, both 
on the Gambia, and at Goree, was one hundred and thirty^ 
of whom about twenty-five had been, I suppose, of free con- 
dition in Africa^ as most of those, being Bushreens, could 
write a little Arabic. Nine of them had become captives 
in the religious war between Abdttlkader and Darnel, men- 
tioned in the latter part of the preceding chapter. Two of 
the others had seen me as I passed through Bondou, and 
many of them had heard of me in the interior countries.— 
My conversation with .them, in their native language, gave 
them great comfort, and as the surgeon was dead, I consent- 
ed to act in a medicalcapacity in his room for the remainder 
of the voyage. They had in truth need of every consola- 
tion in my power to bestow ; not that I observed any wan- 
ton acts of cruelty practised either by the master, or the 
seamen, towards them ; but the mode of confining and se- 
curing Neerroes in the American slave ships, owing chiefly 
to the weakness of their crews, bein-g abundantly mare n- 



INTERIOR OF AFRICA. 26! 



gid and severe than in British vessels employed in the same 
traffic, made these poor creatures to suffer greatly, and a 
general sickness prevailed amongst them. Besides the 
three who died on the Gambia, and six or eight while we 
remained at Goree, eleven perished at sea, and many of the 
survivors were reduced to a very weak and emaciated con- 
dition. 

In the midst of these distresses, the vessel, after having 
been three weeks at sea, became so extremely leaky, as to 
require constant exertion at the pumps. It was found ne- 
cessary, therefore, to take some of the ablest of the Negro 
men out of irons, and employ them in this labour, in 
which they were often worked beyond their strength. This 
produced a complication of miseries not easily to be de- 
scribed. We were, however, relieved much sooner than I 
expected, for the leak continuing to gain upon us, notwith- 
standing our utmost exertions to clear the vessel, the sea- 
men insisted on bearing away for the West-Indies, as af- 
fording the only chance of saving our lives. Accordingly, 
after some objections on the part of the master, we direct- 
ed our course for Antigua, and fortunately made that island 
in about thirty-five days after our departure from Goree. — 
Yet even at this juncture we narrowly escaped destruction, 
for on approaching the north-west side of the island, we 
struck on the Diamond Rock, and got into St. John's har- 
bour with great difficulty. The vessel was afterwards con- 
demned as unfit for sea, and the slaves, as I have heard, 
were ordered to be sold for the benefit of the owners 

At this island I remained ten days, when the Chesterfield 
Packet, homeward bound from the Leeward Islands, touch* 
ing at St. John's for the Antigua mail, I took my passage 
in that vessel We sailed on the 24th of November, and 
after a short but tempestuous voyage, arrived at Falmouth 
on the 22d of December, from whence I immediately set 
out for London, having been absent from England two years 
and seven months, 



FINIS, 



A NEGRO SONG, 
?&om Ma. park's travels, PAGE 15 '3. 



I. 

THE loud wind roar'd, the rain fell fast ; 
The white man yielded to the blast ; 
He sat him down beneath our tree, 
For weary, sad, and faint was he ; 
And ah, no wife, or mother's care, 
For him, the milk or corn prepare. 

CHORUS. 

The White Man shall our pity share ; 
.Has, no wife, or mother's care y 
For him the milk or corn prepare. 



it 

The storm is o'er, the tempest past, 
And Mercy's voice has hush'd the blast : 
The wind is heard in whispers low ; 
The White Man far away must go ; — 
But ever in his heart will bear 
Remembrance of the Negroes' care. 

CHORUS. 

Go, White Man, go ; — but with thee bear 
The Negroes' wish, the Negroes prayer ^ 
Remembrance of the Negroes 9 care, 



POSTSCRIPT. 



THE incident of the Negro Song, related in the fifteenth 
Chapter of this work) (p. 151) having been communicated to a 
JLady,* who is not more distinguished for her rank, than for 
her beauty and accomplishments*, she was fiieased to think so 
highly of this simple and unpremeditated effusion, as to make 
a version of it with her own pen, and cause it to be set to mu- 
sic by an eminent composer. With this elegant production, 
in which the plaintive simplicity of the original is preserved 
and improved^ the Author thinks himself highly honoured in 
being permitted to adorn his book. 



* The Duchess of Devonshire, 



A VOCABULARY 

OF 

THE MANDINGO LANGUAGE. 



ABOVE, santo. 

Absent, inteegee, (Jit er ally, 

« not here/') 
Abuse, v. anenni. 
Add, akeejee. 
Afraid, silantec. 
Afternoon, oora. 
Aiv, fonio. 
Alike, beakillin. 
Alive, a beegee, (is here.) 
All, bea. 

Always, toomotoma. 
And, ning. 

Angry, jusu bota (literally, 
« the heart comes out.") 

Angel, melika. 

Arm, boulla, (the same for 
hand. J 

Kn\vQ<\,footata. 

Arrow, binni. 

Ascend, si Hi. 

Asleep, sinouta. 

Assist, maquou 

Axe, terang. 

Back, l:o. 

Bag, bota. 
Barter, v.failan. 

z 



Bastard, jan ka ding (liter- 

ally," nobody's child.") 
Beads, connoo. 
Beard, bora. 
Beat, v. agossi. 
Bees, lekissi. 
Bed, larong. 

Beer, dolo ; (the same for 
strong liquor of any kind.) 
Before, neata (within sight.) 
Behind, koji. 
Belly, konno. 
Big, awarata. 
Bind, or tie, aseeti. 
Bird, cono. 
Bite, v. keeng. 
Black, Jing. 
Blood, jollie. 
Bl\iQ, jingma (blackish.) 
Boil, v.fagee. 
Bone, cooloo. 
Book, kittaba. 
Borrow, la. 
Bottom, j oo. 
Bow, kalla. 

Boy, kca ding, (literally, 

" male child/' 
Brave, fat tee. 
Bread, munko. 



A VOCABULARY OF 



.Break, v. affara ; (the same 
word signifies « to kill," 
or " to destroy." 

Breasts, sonjoo. 

Bring, insambo. 

Brother, ba-ding-kea (liter- 
a//z/,"mother's male child.") 

Burn, v. ageni. 

Buy (or sell) satin* 

Call, v. akilli. 

Carry, asambo. 

Cat, neancon. 

Catch, ~v. amuta. 

Chest or coffer, koonio. 

Child, ding (if very young, 

ding ding.) 
Cloth,yawrco. 
Cold, ninno. 
Come, na. 
Coming, ahenalii. 
Completely, betiki. 
Cook, v. tabbee. 
Corn, neo. 
Country, doo. 
Cow, nessee moosa. 
Crowd, n.setima. 
Cry, v. akumbo. 
Cunning, n. a. kissee. 
Cut, x'. tegi. 

Danger, torro. 
Dark, did die. 

Daughter, ding ?noosa (liter- 
ally, " female child.") 
Day, teelee. 
Dead, asata. 
Deep, adoonta. 
Desist, attoo. 
Dew, combi. 
Die, v. sa m 
Dirt, no. 
Disease,.; a nkra, 



Dispute, degama. 
Dog, ivoola. 

Door, da (this word is of very 
extensive use, being ap- 
plied to whatever opens 
and shuts.) 

Down, ad. dooma. 

Dream, v. sibo ta. 

Dream, n. s. sibo. 

Drink, v. ameen. 

Dry, (arid) ajata, 



Ear, toola. 
Earth, (soil) banko. 
Earth, (globe) banko kang. 
"East, teele bo (sun rise.) 
Eat, adummo. 
Elephant, samrna. 
Empty,^?^ tigee (" nothing 

here.") 
Enough, key en to. 
Entertain, (a guest) fanda. 
Expert, cumering (" active, 

clever, &c.) 
Eye, nea. 

Face, (the same as for the 
eye.) 

Fall, v. bid. 

Far off, jangfata. 

Fast, -v. soong. 

Fat, keng. 

Father, fa. 

Fear, v. seelan. 

Feather, tee ; (it signifies al- 
so hair and wool.) 

Female, moosa. 

Fever, candea. 

Few, do. 

Fight, v.akili. 

Fill, afundi. 

Finger, boulla konding* 

Fire, demba. 



THE MANDINGO LANGUAGE. 



Fish, yco. 
Flesh, &o»boo. 
Food, kinnee. 
Fool, fooring. 

Foot, sing (signifies, also, 

« the leg.") 
Forget, neanata. 
Free, horea. 

Fresh, kinde (signifies, also, 

healthy .J 
Friend, barrio. 
Fruit, eree (#>*£•(" child of the 

tree.") 
Full, affata. 

Give, insong. 
Glad, lata. 
Go, v. ta. 
God, alia. 
Gold, sanoo. 
Good, bettie. 
Great, baa. 
Grass, bing. 
Grey, aqucta. 
Guard, v. tenkoong, 

Half, tella. 
Handsome, aniniata. 
Hang up, deng. 
Hate, v. akoong. 
He, etti. 
Head, koon. 
Hear, moi. 
Heart, yw-sw. 

Heaven, santo ; (the Mahom- 
edan Negroes commonly 
say, il jinna.J 

Heavy, acooliata. 

Hell, johaniba. 

Hen, soose moosa, 

Herb, jambo. 

Here, jang. 

Hide, 7i. goolo. 



Hill, ko?iko. 
Hog, lea. 
Hole, dinka. 
Honey, lee. 
Horn, bini. 
Horse, soo. 
Hot, candtata. 
House, boong. 
Hungry, konkela. 

I, inta. 
Idle, nare. 
Increase, aboonia. 
Industrious, sayata. 
Interpret, konno sor ; (liter- 
ally, to fiierce the belly. 
Iron, nega* 
Island, j ouio. 

Jump, v. aoun* 

Kill, affara. 
King, mansa* 
Knife, mooro* 
Know, alia. 

Lamp, sitina. 

Laugh, v.jilli. 

Lend, infoo. 

Lie (down) v. la jang. 

Lie (falsity)/omo. 

Lift, achicka. 

Lightning, sanfala. 

Lion, jatta (in the interior 

countries, zvara.J 
Little, miessa. 
Long, jang. 
Look,x/. affille* 
Lose, afeele. 
Lost, affeeleeta. 
Love, v. koonie* 

Make, v. dada> 



4 



A VOCABULARY OF 



Male, kea. 

Man (homo) mo. 

Man (vir) fat a. 

Many, sitimata. 

Market, loe. 

Master, marre. 

Mat, basso- 

Meet, v. beng. 

Middle, taima. 

Milk, nunno. 

Milk, v. beetee. 

Mine,/zr. talem. 

Money, najihula ; (it signi- 
fies also merchandize, or 
any effects of -value.} 

Month, korro ; (the same 
word signifies the moon.) 

Morning, somo. 

Mother, ba. 

Mouth, da. 

Narrative, dentigi. 
Name, atto. 

Near (nigh) mun Jang j (not 
far.) 

Neck, kang. 

Never, abada. 

Night, sooton. 

No, inta (literally, is not. ) 

Noon, teelee kooniata, (liter- 
ally, the sun over head. J 

North, sabeeL 

Nose, noong. 

Now, seng. 

Oil, toulou. 
Obtain, sutto. 
Old, accottata. 
Only, kinsing. 
Open, v. yelli. 
Out of, banta. 

Pain, deeming. 



Paper, coitoo. 

Pass, v tamhi. 

Past, atambita (gone by.) 

Fay, v. jo. 

Pen, kaila. 

People, rao/o. 

Pierce, sor. 

Pity, v. dimi. 

Pleasure^ dt. 

Pleasant, adiata. 

Plenty, asiata. 

Poor, doiata. 

Present, (gift) 

boonia. 
Promise, v. moindee. 
Proud, telingabalia (literally, 

strait bodied.) 
Pull, asabba. 
Push, aneury. 
Put down, alondi. 

Quarrel, quiata. 
Quick, cataba. 
Quiet, dea. 
Quiver, n. s . toong. 

Rain, sangee (literally, water 

frem above. J 
Rat, ninee. 
Read, akarra. 
Red, woolima. 
Release, offering (untie." 
Rest, lo. 
Restore, serrat. 
Return, v. n. ascita. 
Ripe, mota. 
Rise, v. wooli. 

River, ba (the same as for 

mother.) 
Road, seelo* 
Rob, boitaca. 
Rock, kooro. 
Rope, Julie. 
Rotten, accorata. 



THE MANDINGO LANGUAGE, 



r- 





Snin. v) . a vnny nrtA) 


Run, bo %rie. 


Spoon, dosa, 
Star, /o/o. 


Sad, doi. 


Steal, ssonia. 


Safe, tvrro inteege*, (literally, 


Stink, v; kassc. 


710 dCLTlgCT \ 


Stone, birvo* 
Stop, munia* 


Salt, ko. 


Sand, kini kini. 


Stranger, leant ong* 


Sandals, samata* 


Strike, abootu 


Sav* a/7b. 


Sun, teelee. 


Sea* babcL^pf 


Swear, £o/tf„ 


Seat, serong 


Sweet, teemiata. 
S well , ^/b owe 0o 


Sec, eagee. 


Send, /f*/*^ 


Swim. 7200 
Sword, fong. 


Qpnn f**tf» fitiillrt 
ocpm aiC) lit uciu 4 


Shake. 7z*£*i iipi. 




Shame, inalrr 


Tail. /tnTtzG* 


Shew, fiitn. 


Thief. R0Q7L. 

Thin, feata f slender. » 


'^hin« r/y/nnrr 


Short- fiiiftn 


T It ink- mr+im 


Shut, /ot/ 


Thirst, mindo* 


Is* it flip 

OAVyJV, T/lUiJl KvfLUt o 


Thread, borz^ 


Side, carra. 


Throw. /t/_ 


Silent- tiering 


Thunder, sang fata (in con* 


Silver, rnd.u. 


tradistinction to the light- 


f&ngijilli (the same Jo dance,) 
Sister, 6a a7wg* moosa (moth- 


ning, it is Kallam Alia ; 


Arab, "the voice of God/') 


er's female child.) 


Tie, v. asseetee. 
To-day, bee. 


Slt» 


Skv« sansr. 


To~morrow, sinny. 


Slave* jensr. 


Tongue, nfng* 


Sleep, v. sinoo. 


Touch, v, ma* 


Smell, v. Qoomboola* 


Town, kunda* 


Smoke, seisee. 


Trade, v* feetce* 


Snake, saw. 

Something*, fenke. 

Son, a77z*f Area (male child.) 


Tree, eree. 


True, tonia*. 


Trust, v. la* 


Soon, sa Tig* san^* (now now.) 


Turn, aelima* 


Sour, adcoomiata. 




South, 6#a//a 6a (literally, 


Understand, moL 


r?g"Af hand. J 


Until, baning. 


Speak, akummo. 




Spear, (amka* 


Walk, tama, 



6 



A VOCABULARY OF 



War, kVM. 
Wash, v. coo. 
Water, gee. 
Weary, umuatata. 
Weep, akussi. 
Weigh, simang. 
Well, n. a. awa. 
Well, n. s. cullong, 
West, teelee gee. 
Wet, sinunta. 
"W hat, mun. 
Where, minto* 
White, qui. 



Who, jema. 
Why, munkang. 
Wind, n.funnio. 
Wolf soolo. 
Woman, moosa. 
Wilderness, woolla. 

Yes, awa. 

Yesterday, koona. 

You, eeta, when simply pro- 
nounced ; when joined to 
any other word, it is ee. 

Young, juna. 



.The following Questions and Answers may be useful in 
the West Indies. 



Do you understand Man- £ 
dingo ? £ 
I understand it, 
I do not understand you, 
Come hither, 

Is your father or mother \ 
living ? 5 
«— — alive, 
dead, 

Have you any brothers or } 
sisters ? 5 
Where are they ? 
Are they in Africa ? 
Are they on board the ship ? 
Point them out, 
What is the matter with you ? 
Are you in health ? 
I am sick, 

Shew me your tongue, 
Give me your hand, 
Are you hungry ? 
I am hungry, 
Are you thirsty ? 



ce Mandingo kummo moi P 

ya m u l. 
ma moi. 
na na re. 

ee fa ou ee ba abeegee P 

abeegee. 
asata. 

ee ba ding abeegee P 
biminto P 

abbe fato fing doo ? 

abbe tobaubo caloQn o kanno P 

aitanna. 

mun belt P 

koo ee kindee P 

mun kinde. 

ee ning aitanna» 

ee boalla adima. 

konkolabinna ? 

konkolabinna. 

mindolabinna P 



THE MANDINGO LANGUAGE. 



r 



I am thirsty, 
I am not hungry, 
I am not thirsty, 
Does your head ache ? 
It does ache, 
It does not ache, 
Does your stomach pain 
Do you sleep well ? 
Are you feverish ? 
Do not be afraid, 
f here is no danger, 
Drink this medicine, 
It will do you good, 



minnolabinna. 
konko inteegee. 
mindo inteegee. 
ee koon bideemina 2 
bideemina. 
intadeeming. 
? ee konno bideemina ? 
ko ee sino be tiki ? 
acandeata 
kanna seelan. 
torro inteegee. 
ning borri ameen* 
ae kissi. 



APPENDIX. 



GEOGRAPHICAL ILLUSTRATIONS 



OF 



MR. PJRFS JOURNEY : 

MAJOR REN NELL* 



GEOGRAPHICAL ILLUSTRATIONS. 



CHAPTER I. 

Concerning the Ideas entertained by the .indent Geograph- 
ers, as well as the Moderns, down to the Times of De- 
lisle and D y Anville, respecting the Course of the River 
Niger. 

The late journey of Mr. Park into the Interior of West- 
ern Africa, has brought to our knowledge more important 
facts respecting its Geography, both moral and physical, 
than have been collected by any former traveller. By 
pointing out to us the positions of the sources of the great 
rivers Senegal, Gambia, and Niger,* we are instructed 
where to look for the elevated parts of the country ; and even 
for the most elevated point in the western quarter of Afri- 
ca, by the place from whence the Niger and Gambia turn 
in opposite directions to the east and west. We are taught, 
moreover, the common boundary of the desert and fruitful 
parts of the country, and of the Moors and Negroes; which 
latter is the more interesting, as it may be termed a boundary 
In moral geography, from the opposite qualities of mind, as 

* I here use the word Nig'er as being* the best understood by Euro- 
peans ; but the proper name of the river in this country seems to be 
Guin or Jin. (Hartm arm's Edrisi, p. 32. 48. 51.) At the same time, it 
is more commonly designed by the term Joliba, meaning the Great 
Water, or great river, in like manner, the Ganges has two names, 
Padda, the proper name ; Gonga, the great river. 

The Moors and Arabs call it Neel Abeed, the liiver of Slaves ; but 
they have also a name to express the great water, that is Neel Kibber. 
Neel appears to be employed in Africa, as Gonga in India, to express 
any great river. 

By Niger, the ancients meant merely to express the River of the 
Black People, or Ethiopians. The term was Roman ; for the Greeks 
believed it to be the head, or a branch of the Egyptian Nile, 



12 



APPENDIX. 



well as of body, of the Moors and Negroes; for, that phy- 
sical geography gives rise to habits which often determine 
national character, must be allowed by every person who is 
a diligent observer of mankind. 

It must be acknowledged that the absolute extent of 
Mr. Park's progress in Africa, compared with the amazing 
size of that continent, appears but small, although it be 
nearly L100 British miles in a direct line, reckoned from 
its western extremity, Cape Verde. But considered in it- 
self, it is no inconsiderable line of travel, being more ex- 
tensive than the usual southern tour of Europe. 

But moreover, it affords a triumph to the learned, in that 
it confirms some points of fact, both of geography and na- 
tural history, which have appeared in ancient authors, but 
to which our own want of knowledge has denied credit. 
I allude more particularly to the course of the Niger, and 
the history of the Lotophagi. That the Greeks and Ro- 
mans, who had formed great establishments in Africa, and 
the latter in particular, who had penetrated to the Niger,* 
should have had better opportunities of knowing the in- 
terior part of the country, than we, who live at a distance 
from it, and possess only a few scattered factories near the 
sea coast, is not to be wondered at ; but the proof of such 
facts should teach us to be less hasty in decrying the au- 
thority of ancient, authors, since the fault may arise from 
a want of comprehension on our parts, or from an assump- 
tion of false principles on theirs. 

Few geographical facts have been more questioned in 
modern times, than the course of the great inland river of 
Africa, generally understood by the name of Niger, some 
describing it to run to the west, others to the east; but of 
these opinions, I believe the former has been espoused by 
the most numerous party, by far. f Although Mr. Park's 
authority, founded on ocular demonstration, sets this ques- 
tion for ever at rest, by determining the course of the river 
to be from west to east, as Major Houghton's information 
had previously induced a belief of, yet it may not be amiss 

* Pliny, lib. v. c. 4. 

f M. J Lalande, almost at the moment of Mr Park's investigation, 
has determined its course to be in the west, notwithstanding the forci- 
ble reasoning of his countryman D'Anville. Memoire snr U Inter ieur 
deV 'Africus. Mr. Bruce was of the same opinion. Vol. hi. p- 720. 

724. 



APPENDIX. 



to trace the history of the opinions concerning the course 
of this celebrated river, from the earliest date -of profane 
history. 

Herodotus,* more than twenty-two centuries ago, de- 
scribes, from the information of the Africans, a great river 
of Africa, far removed to the South of the Great Desert, 
and abounding with crocodiles. That it flowed from west 
to east, dividing Africa, in like manner as the Danube does 
Europe. That the people from the borders of the Medi- 
terranean, who made the discovery, were carried to a 
great city on the banks of the river in question, and that 
the people of this quarter were black ; that is, much blacker 
than their visitors. Our author, indeed, took this river to 
be the remote branch of the Egyptian Nile, and reasons on 
the circumstance accordingly ; but even this argument 
serves to express in a more forcible manner, the supposed 
direction of its course. 

Pliny also beiieved that the Nile came from the west ; 
but he is far from identifying it with the Niger, which he 
describes as a distinct river. But we have at least his 
negative opinion respecting its western course ; for he 
speaks of the Bambotus river as running into the Western 
ocean ; meaning to express by it either the ^Gambia or 
Senegal river, and not the Niger.f 

Ptolemy is positive in describing the Niger as a separate 
stream from the Senegal and Gambia, which two rivers are 
designed by him under the names of Daradus and Stachir ; 
and they are by no means ill expressed ; falling into the 
sea on different sides of the Arsinarium promontory, or 
Cape Verd.J The Niger of Ptolemy is made to extend 
from west to east, over half the breadth of Africa, between 
the Atlantic ocean, and the course Gf the Nile. 

These may suffice for the ancient authorities, which in 
very early times fixed the course of the Niger in the sys- 
tems of geography, to be from west to east. Who it was 
that first led the way, in the opposite opinion, I know not; 
but we find Edrisi, in the twelfth century, not only conduct- 
ing the Nile of the Negroes, or Niger, westward, and into 

* Euterpe, c. 32. 
f Lib. V. c. 9. 

i Probably a corruption of Senhagi, or Assenhagi, as the early 
Portuguese discoverers write it. These were a great tribe, 

A a 



14 



APPENDIX. 



the Atlantic, but also deriving it from the Egyptian Nile, 
which is diametrically opposite to the opinion of Herodotus. 

-Such an opinion marks the very imperfect state of his 
knowledge of African geography, and should induce a de- 
gree of caution in receiving other opinions of the same au- 
thor, where they rest absolutely on his own authority. Itis 
v ery probable that the waters which collect on the west of 
Nubia may run to the west and be lost in lakes; and it is 
possible, though very improbable, that a branch of the Nile 
may take the same course ; but fortified by the present state 
of our knowledge, we may certainly pronounce the general 
scope of the intelligence communicated by Edrisi, respect- 
ing the course of the Niger, to be erroneous 

I conceive, however, that his error may easily be account- 
ed for in this way. He was probably told, that the waters 
on the west of Nubia, &c ran to the westward He also 
knew that a great river, the Senegal, discharged itself into 
the Atlantic, nearly in the same parallel ; and moreover, that 
a great river, whose line of direction lay between the east and 
west, and between Nubia and the just mentioned embouchure^ 
watered a very extensive tract in the midland part of Africa. 
Now, what so natural (admitting the fact of the western 
waters from Nubia, and which I trust, I shall go near to 
prove in the sequel) as to suppose, when he had found a 
head and a tail of a great river, together with a Jong extent 
of course of a river between them, that they were parts of 
each other? It must also be taken into the account, that he 
supposed the continent of Africa to be about one thousand 
miles narrower than it really is, in the line between Nubia 
and the mouth of the Senegal, 

Abulfeda followed Edrisiin the same opinion, respecting 
the Niger, which he calls a twin river with that of Egypt. 
He also calls it the Nile of Gana. Abulfeda also knew, and 
has described, the general form of the continent of Africa ; 
and of course knew that it was surrounded by the sea.* But 
his descriptions are limited to the north and north-east parts. 
He wrote in the fourteenth century. 

It was Edrisi, probably, who influenced and determined 
the opinions of the moderns respecting this question. An 
author, long supposed to be of the same region with that 
which he describesf, and who had entered more into the 

* This was previous to the Portuguese discoveries, 
f He was commonly called the Nubian Geographer, 



APPENDIX. 



15 



detail of the African geography than any other, would, ac- 
cording to the usual mode of decision on such pretensions- 
be preferred to those who went before him, and had treated 
the subject in a more general way. Mankind had no crite- 
rion by which to judge of the truth. 

Since then the Arabian geographer, who had written the 
most extensively on the subject, had conducted the Niger 
into the Atlantic, we cannot wonder that the early Portuguese 
discoverers, who doubtless learnt from the Arabian authors 
the particulars of African geography, should adopt the same 
idea; and that they should regard the Senegal river as the 
Niger, as we find it in the histories of their discoveries in 
the fifteenth century. The Portuguese, who at this period 
took the lead in matters of navigation and discovery, might 
well be expected to set the fashion in what related to- African 
geography. So that in despite of Ptolemy, and of the an- 
cients in general, the great inland river of Africa was de- 
scribed to run to the west, and to form the head of the Sene- 
gal river. Nay more, it was at last supposed to be the 
parent stock of all the great western rivers of Africa. 

Sanuto, whose geography of Africa is dated 1588, des- 
cribes one branch of the Niger to be the Rio Grande, the 
other the viver of Sestos; regarding the Senegal as a dif- 
ferent river. 

M. Delisle's map of Africa (1707) gives the Niger a direct 
course through Africa, from Bornou in the east, and termi- 
nating in the river of Senegal on the west. But in his map^ 
of 1722 and 1727, this was corrected: The source of the 
Senegal was placed at a shallow lake named Maberia, be- 
tween the 14th and 15th degrees of longitude east of Cape 
Verd, and in latitude 12° ; whilst the river of Tombuctco, 
named Guien was described to issue from another lake in 
the same neighborhood, and to flow towards Bornou, where 
it terminated in a third lake. 

The cause of this change may be easily traced, in the 
intelligence collected by the French traders and settlers in 
Gallam* ; the substance of which is to be found in Labat's 
collection, published in 1728, although the detail differs in 
some points. He says, Vol. ii. p. 161, et seq. that the 
Mandingo merchants report, that the Niger (by which he 

* Gallam is one of the names of the eountry in which Fort 5t. Joseph 
is situated, and is often applied to the settlement itself. 



IS 



APPENDIX. 



always means the Senegal river) springs from the lake,. 
Maberia, whose situation could not be ascertained : That 
the Gambia river was a branch of the Niger, separating 
from it at Baracota (a position also unknown) and that it 
passed through a marshy lake, in its way to Baraconda, 
where the English and Portuguese had settlements. That 
the Niger, at a point below Baracota, sent forth another 
branch, namely, the Faleme river, which encompassed the 
country of Bambouk, and afterwards joined the Niger in 
the country of Gallam, and finally that the same Niger by 
its separation into two branches, formed a very considera- 
ble island above Kasson. It may be remarked, that a belief 
of these circumstances, manifests a gross state of ignorance 
respecting the interior of the country, since such deriva- 
tions from rivers, are found only in alluvial tracts ; and it 
happens, that scarcely any levels vary more than those, 
through which* the rivers in question pass, as will appear in. 
the sequel. 

They likewise report, p„_163, that on the east of the lake 
Maberia lies the kingdom of Guinbala, within, which is the 
river of Guien, which passes near the city of Tombuctoo. 
Again, Vol. iiL p. 361 to 364, it is said, that Tombuctoo is- 
not situated on the bank of the Niger, but at about six 
leagues inland from it ; and that in passing to it from Gal- 
lam, which is reported to be a journey of thirty two days on- 
ly!, they go through Timbi, rive joumies short of Tom- 
buctoo ; where they leave the bank of the river, to avoid 
too great a detour. 

Labat does not state in positive terms, that the Niger or- 
river of Senegal affords a continuous navigation from the 
fall of Govinea (above Gallam) to Tombuctoo ; but that he 
believed it, is strongly implied by what appears afterwards^ 
in p. 367 : 368 ; that is a project of a trade to Tombuctoo? 
" by keeping an establishment of vessels above the foils,, 
which vessels might ascend the Niger to a point opposite 
to Tombuctoo, thereby saving the great expence and fa- 
tigue of a land journey." 

Hence then we trace the idea of the lake of Maberia, the 
supposed head of the Niger ; and the river of Tombuctoo, 
under the name of Guien ; and moreover (although these 
arc not expressly said to communicate) a continued naviga- 
tion from Gallam to Tombuctoo. But it must surely have 



APPENDIX 



struck those on the spot, to inquire, whether any boats eve", 
descended from Tombuctoo to the falls of Govinea ? 

It is certain that Dehsle (as well as D'Anviile, whose ge- 
eral ideas are much the same in this particular*) regards 
the river Guien, as having no communication with the lake 
Maberia, but makes it How from a different lake, at no great 
distance to the northward ; so that these geographers so 
far understood the matter right, and denied the practica- 
bility of a continuous navigation to Tombuctoo : but then 
they erred very greatly in placing the head of the Senegal, 
either so remotely, or in the eastern quarter, since it rises 
in the south-east. 

We must regard the geography of M. D'Anviile as the 
most perfect of all, previous to the inquiries made by the 
Afkican Association. The researches made under the 
direction of this Association, have already established on re- 
cord, from the reports of Major Houghton, and of Mr. Ma- 
gra, although in a vague way, the general position of the 
sources of the Joliba, or Niger, in or near the country of 
Manding, as well as its easterly or north-easterly course to- 
wards Tombuctoo : the position of Bammakoo, situated 
near the highest navigable point of its course : of Sego and 
Jenne, along its banks : the separtion cf its waters into two 
channels, in the quarter of Tombuctoo, together with a 
vague idea of the position of that city itself. It will be 
shewn in the sequel, that Mr. Park's observations do not 
contradict, but establish these positions, drawing them out 
of the obscurity in which, by the very nature of the infor- 
mation, they were necessarily involved : and fixing, in some 
degree of just relative position and proportion, those par- 
ticulars which before remained at large, considered in a 
geographical sense. 

Concerning the errors of former geographers, they are 
more easily detected than the cauces of them. They must 
however, be ascribed partly to the ignorance of the African 
merchants, but in all probability, in a much greater part to 
the want of understanding each other's language ; a defect 
that has led to many errors, that are oftentimes charged to 

* D'Anviile differs from Delisle in extending' very greatly the dis- 
tance between Gallam and Tombuctooo ; and by representing the 
Maberia lake as one source alone, and that the least distant, of those 
of the river Senegal 

A a 2 



APPENDIX, 



the account of wilful falsehood, or at least, to an indifference 
to the cause of truth. 

I can easily conceive that the caravan merchants in pass- 
ing from Tombuctoo to Gallam, or the contrary, might have 
deceived themselves into a belief, that the principal rivers 
which they had either crossed or skirted in their way> 
might communicate with each other : for it appears clear- 
ly, by Mr. Park's observations, that the eastern branch of 
the Senegal, and the western branch of the Joliba, approach 
very near to each other in the early part of their courses : 
so that, during the whole journey* the merchants might 
never be farther distant from a river, to the southward of 
them, than a few journies, 

As to the story, so long credited, of the Niger being the 
parent river from whence all the western rivers were de- 
rived, we may remark, that ignorance, in every country 
through which large rivers take their course, is very ready 
to derive them all from one source, and that source, very 
probably, a lake. Within our own times the Burrampooter 
and Ava rivers were thus described in the maps Pliny re- 
ports, that the Euphrates and Tigris are united in Armenia 
hy the medium of a lake >* and Edrisi, as we have seen, de- 
rived the Nile and Niger from one and the same lake.f 

It will appear that the lake Maberia, taken by D'Anville 
&i%d Delisle for the head of the Senegal river, or that which 
runs to the west, is meant for no other than the lake of Dib- 
bie, formed by the river Joliba, or that which runs to the 
east ; and which Mr. Park's inquiries have brought to our 
knowledge. Again* we recognize the river Guien,or Guin ? 
of Labat, of B*Anville, and of Delisle, in the northern branch 
of the same Joliba, issuing out of the lake Dibbie ; and 
which, together with the southern branch of the same lake, 
forms an island, reported to be 90 or 100 miles in length, 
named Jinbala by Mr. Park. There is a town on the side of 
the northern branch, also named Jinbala ; but whether the 
island may take its name from this town, or from the river, 
whose proper name, from about this point, seems to be 
Guin, or Jin, I know not. M. D'Anviiie has described, m 

* Pliny, lib. vi. c. 27. 

\ Thompson believed it, After speaking of the Nile, he says- 
Hi s brother Niger too, and all the floods 
In which the full-form'd maids of Afric lave 
Their jetty limbs. — - §vmher, 811 



APPENDIX. 



this position, the country of Guinbala, subject to Tonka 
Quata : the same who is said by Labat, to be sovereign of 
the country which contains the lake of Maberia, and the 
river of Guien.* 

Here, then, we have an explanation of the error of those, 
who, from the supposed information of the Mandingo mer- 
chants, supposed the lake Maberia, answering to the Dib- 
ble of Park, to form the source of the Senegal river - r and 
who took the river of Guin, or Jinbala, for a distinct river, 
instead of a branch issuing from that lake. The Mandingas 
might very truly have informed the French settlers, that the 
lake Maberia, and the rivers Joliba and Guin, would convey 
them to Tombuctoo ; but did they say also, that the river of 
Senegal would convey them into the lake Maberia ? The 
French merchants, perhaps, taking for granted that the nav- 
igation was continuous, might never inquire whether their 
informants were speaking of one or two rivers ; and the 
others might at the same time be speaking of two distinct 
rivers, and be ignorant of the prepossessions of their in- 
quirers ! 

It may be added, that, whether from the difficulties that 
grew out of the subject, when the geographical documents 
came to be analyzed, or whether it was from actual informa- 
tion, both Delisle and D'Anville describe two lakes near 
each other, one at the supposed head of the Senegal river, 
the other at that of the Tombuctoo river. I think it most 
probable, that it was occasioned by the want of their being 
made to comprehend that the waters ran eastward to, and 
not westward from, the lake of Maberia ; so that when they 
were told that the Tombuctoo river issued from a lake, 
they concluded it must be a different one from that at the 
head of the Senegal, Certain it is, however, that these ge- 
ographers believed that the waters ran to the west from this 
lake. 

I have now brought to a conclusion, what was meantto 
be said on the subject of the descriptions and mistakes of 
former geographers ; in the course of which it may be ob- 
served, that a period of twenty-two centuries has brought 
matters round again to the same point. And having thus 
cleared the ground, I next proceed to the more important 
part of the subject, the proper discoveries of Mr. Park* 



* Labat, Vol. li. p 161, 163, and Hi. p. 361. 



9» 



APPENDIX- 



CHAPTER IL 
Concerning the Geographical Discoveries of Mr. Park. 

SlNCE the scope and design of Mr. Park's routes have 
been already set forth in the beginning of the present work, 
it -would be useless to say more on that head ; and as the 
particular map of his progress will explain the relative cir= 
cumstances of the Geography, nothing more will be neces- 
sary than to call the attention of the reader to such particu- 
lars as may not readily occur to him on inspection of the 
Map : or which, from their nature, cannot well be inserted 
in It. 

The discoveries of this gentleman, as has been said before, 
give a new face to the physical geography of Western Afri- 
ca. They prove, by the courses of the great rivers, and 
from other notices, that a belt of mountains, which extends 
from west to east, occupies the parallels between 10 and 1 1 
degrees of north latitude, and at least between the 2d and 
10th degrees of west longitude, from Greenwich. This 
belt, moreover, other authorities extend some degrees still 
farther to the west and south, in different branches, and ap- 
parently of less height. One of these follows the upper 
part of the Gambia river ; another the Rio Grande, to a low 
point of its course ; and a third appears to shut up the west- 
ern coast of Guinea.* Accordingly, this chain approaches 
much nearer to the equatorial parts of Africa, than was be* 
fore supposed ; and thus me are enabled to understand fully 
what Abulfedaf meant, when he said, that after the conti- 
nent of Africa has extended southward}: from the Strait of 
Gibraltar to the neighborhood of the Equator.it turns to the 
east, fiassing at the back of the mountains of Kdnirtj which, 
give rise to the Nile. || The mountains in question, then 
ought to be those intended by Abulfeda, who by the name 

* Meaning Serra Leona, &c. &c. ■ 
f. Prolegomena. 

i Abulfeda in effect, letera'lly meant southward ; for like Ptolemy 
and Strabo, he had no idea that the coast of Africa projected to the 
westward beyond the Streights, but rather supposed it to tend to the 
eastward of south. 

[| When the above is considered, : we can understand that Abulfeda 
supposed the bays of Benin and St: Thomas to be 11 or 12 degrees 
more to the east, than tbey really are ; and he might well suppose- 



APPENDIX 



ctf Komri, evidently meant to express the Mountains of the 
Moon, from which Ptolemy derives the remote source of 
the Nile.* As Abulfeda supposed the source of the Nile to 
be very far to the south or south-west, in which I agree 
generally with him, this chain may be supposed to pass on- 
ward from the abovementioned quarter to the east, and 
south of. east, shutting up Abyssinia on the south. This, 
at least, seems the only way in which we can fairly under- 
stand Abulfeda ; in confirmation of whose description, a 
part of the ridge has been actually found by Mr Park.f— 
According to Leo, p. 249, the country of Melli is bordered 
on the south by mountains ; and these must be nearly in the 
same parallel with the mountains of Kong, seen by Mr. 
Park. 

Mr. Beaufoy was informed, that the countries on the 
south and south-west of the Niger, lying opposite to, and 
to the westward of, Kassina, were also mountainous and 
woody. In particular in the line between Kassina and As? 
&entai, the country is said to be formed of a succession of 
hills, with woods of a vast extent, and some mountains of a 
stupendous height.^ 

As the source of the Nile is confessedly very far to the 
south of the parallel of 10 degrees north, this chain of moun- 
tains, admitting it to continue its general easterly course, 
must bend to the southward after it passes Kong and Melli, 
in order to pass above the sources of the Nile, the princ^ 
pal of which I conceive to be situated in the country of Dar* 
foor. 

The highest part of the portion of this chain pointed out 
by Mr. Park's discoveries,, is situated between the 5th and 

that w the sea came in at the back of the mountains that gave rise to 
the Nile. 

That the Nile of Egypt, and not the Niger, is meant, we learn in- an- 
other place in the same author, where he speaks of the Egyptian Nile, 
and traces it to Egypt. Prolegomena, article Brvers. 

* Komri, or rather Kummerce, is the Arabic term for lunar, and is 
the adjective of Kummer, the moon. [Mr Hastings.] 

■\ The mountains of Kong were seen by Mr. Park ; but no other part 
of the chain. 

t African Association, 1/90 and 1791, quarto ed. p. 117, 123 ; ccta, 
vo, 176, 186. Also quarto, 174 ; octavo 260. 

As two editions of this work. are in the hands of the public, I have, 
referred to both throughout this work, distinguishing" them respective- 
ly by Q. and O. 



22 



APPENDIX. 



9th degrees of west longitude; for within this space are 
situated, the sources of the Gambia, which run to the west- 
north- west; of the Senegal running to the north-west; and 
of the Joliba, or Niger r to the east-north-east.* There is, 
bowever, a general slope of the country extending to a 
great distance northward, formed by a gradation of summits 
of lesser mountains and hills, as is shewn by the early part 
of the course of the rivers; in particular that of the Niger, 
which appears to run nearly 100 miles on a northerly course, 
before it turns finally to the eastward. 

A large portion of the tract bordering on the northern 
foot of the mountains, from whence the branches of the Se- 
negal river issue, is covered with thick forests. Mr. Park's 
track, on his return, lay through these woods ; one part of 
which is named the Jallonka Wilderness, in which no ha- 
bitations were seen during five days of forced marching. 
The hardships endured, even by the free men of this cara- 
van, almost exceed belief, t 

The head of the principal branch of the Senegal river is 
about 80 geographical miles to the west of that of the Joli- 
ba; and the head of the Gambia, is again about 100 west of 
the Senegal. The branches of the latter are very numer- 
ous, and intersect the country for about 200 miles from east 
to west, in the line of the caravan route ; und it was this 
circumstance that detained Mr. Park, during a great part 
of the periodical rainy season, in Manding ; a state of things, 
perhaps, little expected, in a country regarded here as the 
most thirsty on the globe. J 

We may conclude, that similar circumstances take place 
with respect to the Joliba, only, that as its course is such as 
to intercept all the streams that descend from the Kong 
mountains on the south, whilst Mr. Park's travels along it 
were confined to the northern bank, he had no opportunity 
of knowing it, any farther than by seeing various openings 
on that side, and by being told that he cauld not possibly 

* The Rio Grande has its source very far tothe south of this chain ; 
first running 1 to the north, till it touches the foot of this very ridge of 
mountains, by which it is turned~to the west. [Vide Mr. Watt's Plan 
and Journal.] 

f The caravan in question was composed chiefly of slaves going* 
Ibom Manding to the ports of the G ambfct. 

% There is in Africa a rainy season, and also a periodical change of 
Tfrmi* as in the same latitudes* in. India : In effect* a Monsoon. 



APPENDIX. 



iiiake his way there. No doubt it receives seme large 
streams also, when its course diverges far enough from the 
mountains as to allow the waters room to collect 

At the lowest point to which Mr. Park traced it t ancj 
which, although about 420 British miles in direct distance 
from its source could only be reckoned the early part of its 
course, it was a very considerable body of water; the 
largest, he says, that he had seen in Africa, and it abound- 
ed with crocodiles. The rainy season was but just begun, 
and the river might have been forded at Sego, where its 
bed expands to a vast breadth. Still, however, we must 
not estimate the bulk of the Niger, that Niger which was 
in the contemplation of Pliny and the Romans, by the mea- 
sure of its bulk at Sego and Siila.* If we suppose it to be 
the same river which passes by Kassina, and we know of no 
other, which place is TOO miles, or more, to the eastward 
of Silla, it would doubtless receive by the way great addi- 
tional supplies of water, and beat least a much deeper river 
than where Mr Park saw it. And here it may not be amiss 
to remark, for the use of those who are not conversant with 
the subject, that rivers make the greatest display of their 
waters, in proportion to their bulk, at a moderate distance 
from their sources ; and are often wider above than below.t 

* It may be conceived that the Romans, who according to Pliny 
(lib. v. 4.) held the dominion of the countries as far as the Niger, pe- 
netrated to it by the route of Gadamis, Feaxan Taboo, and Kassina, as 
the most direct, and convenient one, from the Mediterranean. There 
are very clear proofs of the conquest of the three former by Balbus. 
(Pliny, lib. v. 5.) It was known to Pliny that the Niger swelled peri- 
odically like the Nile, at the«ame season.; which we have also in proof 
from Major Houghton's Report ; and from Mr. Park's Observations, 
Pliny says, moreover, that its productions were the same with those of 
Ae Nile. (Lib. v. c. 8.) 

f In the proceedings of the African Association, (Q p. 122 ; 0. 183. 
et seq.) the river of Kassina is described to run to the west, and to pass 
on to Tombuctoo ; where it is said to be named Gnewa ; possibly in- 
tended for Joliba, for the ?i and./ are more commonly interchanged 
than the m and n.* It will very probably turn out there is an error in 
the above statement, and that it runs from W. to E. in the country of 
Kassina as well as at Tombuctoo. It would seem also to be a larger 

* Abberachman Jga calls it Gidbi (or Julbee.) Hartman's £drisi, 
quarto edition, p. 22. 

It is incumbent on me to acknowledge the obligations I owe to M. 
Hartman, for his arrangement of the matter of Edrisi's Africa, ami for 
his invaluable elucidations and notes. 



APPENDIX. 



There can be no doubt but that the Joliba is a nobis streams 
and the prince of the western rivers of Africa, as to the Nile 
of the eastern; but the African rivers, however, rank lower 
than those of Asia and America. 

Mr. Park judged, that the Senegal river below the falls 
cf F'low, or Felou, as Labat writes it, was about the bulk of 
the Tweed at Melross, in summer. This was indeed, in 
the dry season ; but as the river does not begin to swell pe- 
riodically till many months after thai, Mr. Park did not of 
course see it, at its lowest pitch And yet, this was the as- 
semblage of all the principal branches of the river, save the 
Fa!em6, which was itself about three feet deep at the same 
season. But the Senegal is even fordable in some places 
below the conflux of the Faleme, according to Labat;* for 
the Moots cross it in the dry season, and commit depreda- 
tions on some of the lands to the south. However, almost 
the whole of the towns and villages are placed on the south 
side, with a view of being in security for the longest possi- 
ble term. 

The Senegal river then is by no means a very capital 
stream, except in the rainy season, when, like all other tro- 
pical rivers, its bed is filled, and very commonly will not 
contain the additional waters. Mr Park observed by the 
highest point of swelling of the river Kokoro, or eastern 
branch of the Senegal, that it had been twenty feet higher 
than when he crossed it, in the line of the southern route. 
The main branch of thisrivei, the Ba-fing, or Black River, 
was not fordable, and was crossed over a temporary bridge 
of a very singular construction. Alligators, or crocodiles^ 
are found in all these branches, at the height at which Mr. 
Park passed them. 

The Felem6 river has also a remote source, and drains a 
great extentof country. 

river in the east, than in the west; a presumption in favour of an east- 
erly course, But perhaps the best argument is, that it certainly runs 
from Tombuctoo to the east. It must then either be one and the same 
river, or there must be a. receptacle common to both, lying- between 
Tombuctoo and Kassina! and we have not heard of any such. Much 
more will be said concerning this subject in the latter part of the 
Memoir. 

* See Labat, Vol. ii. p. 172, where the impediments to the naviga^ 
tion are described. They do not appear to arise from differences in 
fee general level, but to a ledge cf rocks. 



APPENDIX. 



2j 



Concerning the Gambia, Mr. Park had fewer notices. It 
is remarkable, that the position pointed out to him for the 
source of this river agrees very nearly with that found in 
Dr. WadstronVs map, from notices collected from another 
quarter. This is very satisfactory. I learn also from Dr. 
Afzelius that the distance across, between the approximat- 
ing parts of the courses of the Gambia and Rio Grande, is 
four journies. 

Mr. Park crossed in his way, six different streams that 
fall into the Gambia from the north-east. Amongst these, 
the principal one is the Nerico, which flows from the quar- 
ter of Bondou, and is reckoned the eastern boundary of a 
tract, which the Africans of this region style the Country 
of the West, expressed by that of the setting sun. This 
tract is on a lower level than that to the east, is flat, and the 
soil composed of clay and sand. It appears, that the whole 
tract through which Mr. Park returned is covered with 
wood, cleared only in certain inhabited spots (Numidian 
fashion) of which the great tract, named the Jallonka Wil 
derness, is composed of primeval forests.* 

The Bambara and Kaarta countries are also exceedingly 
woody, but less so than the other tract; and the woods are 
of an inferior growth. 

According to the ideas collected from Mr Park's obser- 
vations, the general levels of the countries near the sources 
of the great rivers, are thus distributed : 

Between the countries of Bondou and Neola on the west, 
Bambara and Kaarta on the east, the country forms a very 
elevated level, falling rapidly to the eastward, but only by 
degrees, to the westward : and narrowing in breadth from 
330 miles in the south (in the line between Bambara and 
Neola) to the narrow space of 60 or 70 in the north, be- 
tween Kaarta and Kajaga: and probably diminishing to 
nothing, as it advances into the Great Desert; thus form- 
ing a great triangular space whose vertex is on the north 
of the little kingdom of Kasson. This vast upland tract is 
divided into other degrees of level, of which the highest 
comprizes the eastern and largest part of the whole. The 

* Thompson seems to have understood this, when he says, 

beneath primeval trees, that cast 

Their ample shade o'er Niger's yellow stream. 

Summer, v. ?(2F 

B b 



26 



AP3PENDIX. 



eastern boundary of this particular level, is, of course, that 
of the upper level, generally, in the part where it overlooks 
Xaarta and Bambara : and its termination in the opposite 
quarter, is at a great descent, west of the principal branch 
of the Senegal river, in Woradoo : from which place the 
edge of it may be conceived to run northward, to join an- 
other descent of the same kind, which forms the falls of 
Govinea, over which the great body of the Senegal river is 
precipitated from this upper level, to the intermediate one. 

The upper level contains the political divisions of Man- 
ding, Jallonkadu, Foolada, Kasson, Gadou, and some other 
smaller states. And the second, or intermediate level, con- 
tains Bambouk, Konkadoo, Santadoo, Dentilla, and some 
others; and is bounded on the. south-west by the great slope 
of country at Kirwanney, where the waters first begin to 
flow towards the west. On the north-west it is bounded by 
the great descent which forms the second or lower fall of 
the Senegal river, named F'low. This fall is about 30 miles 
below Govinea, 48 above Fort St. Joseph ; and here the 
river being arrived at the lowest level of the country, con- 
tinues navigable with little interruption to the sea*. The 
Faleme river, of course, must run on a far lower level than 
the other heads of the Senegal river. 

The Gambia has a small impediment to its navigation at 
Baraconda, in the country of Woolli ; but although this is 
usually termed a fall, Mr. Park was informed that it did 
not impede the passage of canoes ; so that it ought more 
properly to be termed a rapid, according to the American 
phrase ; that is to say, a slofie, down which the water runs 
with more than ordinary rapidity, but which does not, how- 
ever, totally impede the passage of canoes, or small boats. 

The Joliba (Niger) descends from the high level of Man- 
ding, into Bambara on the eastward, with a rapid and furi^ 
ous course at Bammakoo, about 150 miles below its source ; 
after which it glides smoothly along, and affords an uninter- 
rupted navigation to Houssa, and probably by Kassina to 
Wangorah ; by the two first of which places, a very large 
and navigable stream does certainly pass, under the same 
name as is applied by the Arabs and Moors to the Joliba, 
that is, Neel Abeed, or River of Slaves : A name that marks 

* Labat, Vol. ii. p. 212. See his description of the navigation. 



APPENDIX. 



27 



the idea of the people of the country through which it flows, 
in the minds of those people. 

Mr Watt was informed, when at Teembo, the capital of 
the Foulah kingdom, in 1794, that in the way from thence 
to Tombuctoo, concerning which his inquiries were pointed, 
a part of the road lay along side of a Great Water, to which 
they came in about thirty days from Teembo. There can 
be no question but that the Great Water was the Joliba 
river, whose very name, as we have said, in the Mandingo 
language, literally imports the same meaning; or more pro- 
perly, the Great River. Some have concluded, that the 
Foulahs intended by it a great inland sea; but this is highly 
improbable, although there are, no doubt, such in other 
quarters of Africa, which serve as receptacles for those 
rivers which do not reach the sea. But in the present case, 
the distance itself points to the Joliba ; for, a month's jour- 
ney from Teembo, would reach beyond Yamina, but fall 
short of Sego ; and we are told from the same authority, 
that in order to go to Tombuctoo, they pass through the 
countries of Beliah, Bowriah, Manda, Sego, Sec. Beliah, 
we know not the situation of, but may conceive it to lie on 
the north-east, or east-north-east of Teembo ; because Mr. 
Park points out Bowriah under the name of Boori, adjacent 
to Manding, which is obviously recognized in the Manda of 
Mr. Watt; and Sego, there can be no doubt about. What 
Is farther said concerning the great breadth of the water, 
may either apply to the lake Dibbie, or may be African hy- 
perbole. The sense appears clear enough. 

I have extracted in a note, the intelligence concerning the 
Great Water ; and also that concerning the Nyalas. Mr. 
Park has also heard of the Nyalas or Guangays, but is clearly 
of opinion that the interpreter of Mr. Watt, either misun- 
derstood the story, or was himself misinformed.* 

* " I had a good deal of conversation with some men in a particu- 
lar tribe of Mandingas, called Nyalas. These are great travellers, 
and much respected by all the nations of Africa. It is from this na- 
tion that all the Gaungays, or workers in leather, come ; and they 
are likewise employed as the speakers on all embassies ; as they are 
not only good orators, but are so far privileged, that no one, not even 
kings, can take offence at any thing they say. Any one who travels 
with them is sure of being protected ; and to use their own terms, they 
can pass between contending armies, who will defer the battle till 
they have passed. I inquired about Tombuctoo," 5cc. One of them 
said, that " about a month's journey beyond Teembo, we should come 



APPENDIX. 



CHAPTER III. 

Construction of the Geography of Mr. Park's Expedition 
into Africa. 

I NEXT proceed to the detail of Mr. Park's geographical 
materials. Should it be objected that I have been too dif- 
fuse and particular in this part, I can only say, that since the 
information itself could not, from its nature, be correct, it 
became the more necessary to investigate it closely, and 
also to place, not only the result but the detail of the inves- 
tigation, together with the original documents themselves, 
in the form of notes, in the hands of the public, that the 
true grounds of the construction might be known. For 
whether it may happen, that no further lights should ever 
be obtained concerning the subject ; or whether some other 
traveller, more fortunate, for he cannot possess more zeal, 
enterprize, temper or firmness, should complete Mr. Park's 
work, in either case, the original documents, as well as the 
mode of working them up, should be recorded ; in the for- 
mer, that we may know how to appreciate them; in the 
latter, how best to improve them. The successor of Mr. 
Park, cannot have too extensive a knowledge of the detail 
of his predecessor's work, in order that he may know what 
parts require correction, and how to avoid delays, from a 
useless attention to objects that are already attained. 

Two new Maps have been constructed for the occasion. 
The one contains the Progress of Discovery and Improve- 
ment in various parts of North Africa ; the other, the Geo- 
graphy of Mr. Park's Expedition, as w T ell as the result of 
his particular enquiries in the same quarter, on a more ex- 
tended scale. The present remarks and discussions refer 
particularly to the latter. 

In the construction of this map, it is first required to state 
those points on which Mr. Park's outset depends; as also 

to a large water, which our eyes would not be able to reach across, 
but which to the taste was sweet and good ; and that we should then 
coast along", touching at different towns for refreshment ; but that 
there was one country inhabited by bad people, who would rob and 
murder us, if they could ; where we should not stop, but keep far 
out, at a distance from the shore Sec. They engaged to carry him 
thither for the price of four slaves. [Watt's Journal, MS. p. 113.] 



APPENDIX. 



25 



those which affect the position of Fort St. Joseph, near to 
which he passed, as they differ from the maps in present 
use And, as some positions in the journey of Mess. Watt 
and Winterbottom, serve very much to aid the improve- 
ment of the geography, it will be proper to speak of ihem 
also. 

Cape Verd and Fort St. Louis, at the mouth of the Sene- 
gal river, are placed according to the observations and re- 
sults of M Fleurieu.* 

Jillifrey,on the Gambia river, is from the mean of the lon- 
gitudes set forth by DWnville, D'Apres and Woodville, and 
w T hich do not differ amongst themselves, more than four and 
an half minutes. f 

The detail of the coasts, as well as the lower parts of the 
rivers between Cape Verd and Cape Verg;e, are also from 
the charts of M Woodville. That part between Cape Verd 
and latitude 18°, is adjusted to M. Fleurieu's result of lon- 
gitude, whilst the particulars are from D'Anville and 
Woodville. 

The course of the Rio Grande from the sea to the break 
near the river Dunso, is from Dr Wadstrom's map. The 
Dunso river, crossed by Mr. Watt, appears evidently to be 
a continuation of the same river, several branches of which 
flow from the south-east. And the high tract of mountain- 
ous land beyond it, is no doubt a branch of the great ridge 
above commemorated, under the name of Komri, in the 
work of Abulfeda. 

The route of Mr Watt is described from a sketch com- 
municated by the late Mr, Beaufoy,| in which the scale ap- 

* That is, Cape Verd in latitude 14° 48', longitude 17° 34' west of 
Greenwich: St. Lewis in latitude 16° 5' (by D'Anville,) longitude 
16- 8 by Fleurieu. 

f D'Anville 16° 9 30''} 

D'Apres 16 5 C Mean, 16° T 

Woodville 16 8. 3 y 

Latitude 13 16' 

t The pubUe cannot but recollect the obligations clue to this gen- 
tleman, on the score of his persevering* industry and laudable zeal in 
the work of extending our knowledge of the interior parts of Africa. 
Accordingly this loss to society in this department, is likely to be felt 
for some time, if not forever; the researches in Africa being a path of'^ 
his own choosing ; a path which, more than any other person, he had 
contributed to open, and to render smooth, and in which he seemed 
destined to succeed I 



B b 2 



30 



APPENDIX. 



pears, on a reference to the original journal, to be intended 
for British miles I have regarded them accordingly ; 
whence Laby and Teembo are placed much nearer to the 
coast than Dr. Wadstrom's map represents ; for it appears 
by the Journal that Kissey* at the head of the river of the 
same name, is no more than eight journies from Teembo. 
Nor has the map more than 120 geographic miles between 
them, admitting the scale to be British miles, as I have c©»s 
eluded.* 

The nearest point in Mr. Park's route falls at 1 12 G. mile^ 
to the northward of the extreme point of Mr. Watt; and 
the river Gambia lay nearly midway between them. Thus^ 
the map of Mr Watt forms a most useful comparison, and 
adds confirmation to the report of the natives respecting *he 
course of the Gambia ; for Mr. Park was told, that it was 
crossed in the way from the Feleme river to Footo J^ilo, of 
which Teembo is the capital 

Pisania, on the Gambia (called also Kuttijar Factory) the 
place of Mr. Park's outsetf is stated by D'Anville to be 
170 G. miles above Jillifrey, by the difference of longitude ; 
but by M Woodville's map, no more than 156 ; which an- 
swers better to the statement of the land journey ; for Mr. 
Park was told that it was no more than six and an half jour- 
nies of a messenger.^ 

Pisania then is placed in longitude 13° 28' according to 
this result; and in latitude 13° 35' north, according to 
Mr. Park's observation by sextant. 

* Dr. Afzeiris supposes that the town cf Kissey may be in direct 
distance, about 36 geographical miles to the north-east by east of 
Serra Leona. Hence, Teembo should be no more than 156 from Ser- 
ra Leona. On the general map it is 170. I have adhered to the bear- 
ing lines on Mr. Watt's map ; but think it probable that Teembo, and 
the whole route may be more to the soudi. 

f This is the residence of Dr. Laidley, a gentleman to whom Mr. 
Park and the Association are under great obligations. He received 
Mr. Park into his house, and treated him more like a child of the 
family than a stranger. He cured Mr. Park of a serious illness, which 
confined him for many weeks ; and when Mr. Park was disappointed 
of the goods necessary for his expences, which were to have been sent 
out with Consul Wallis, the "Doctor supplied him with every possible 
necessary he had occasion for, taking his bills upon the Association for 
the amount. 

t A journey of an ordinary traveller may be taken at about 17 geo- 
graphical miles in direct distance ; that of messengers in India, is 
equal to about 25, or 100 English miles by the road, in three days. 



APPENDIX. 



31 



The causes of the apparent wanderings of Mr. Park hav- 
ing been explained in the former part of this work, it will 
be no farther necessary to trace his course, than merely to 
explain the connection of the different parts of the data for 
the general construction. 

Since the scale of the Map is fixed by the computed dis- 
tances arising on the intervals of time employed in Mr. 
Park's route, it is possible that some readers may be start- 
led at the idea of following such an apparently vague au- 
thority. Those however, who have been much in the habit 
of observing their rate of travelling, will be easily convinced 
that distances may be approximated ; and those in particu- 
lar who have been much accustomed to travel in countries, 
where time regulates the distance ; or who have been in 
habits of working up geographical materials of this kind, 
will be the most easily convinced. It will of course be un- 
derstood, that calculations of this kind can only be received 
from persons of judgment and experience : And also, that 
when opportunities of checking them occur, they are always 
resorted to ; after which, of course, no alternative remains 
but to adopt the corrected distance. 

In the present case, the rate of travelling of camels,* does 
not apply ; as Mr. Park's journey outwards was made on 
horseback, and his return chiefly on foot. Nor are camels 
indeed in use in that line of route. The checks to be em- 
ployed, are the number of journies reported by the travel- 
ling merchants from different points of Mr. Park's route to 
Sego and Tombuctoo ; and also those from the quarters of 
Morocco, Tunis and Fezzan to Tombuctoo ; using as a scale 
the rate arising on the route between Fezzan and Egypt, 
Morocco and Jarra, as the best known lines of distance. 
These, altogether, furnish such kind of authority as will, I 
trust, lead to a satisfactory conclusion, as the general coin- 
cidence is certainly very striking. 

My mode of procedure has been, to calculate in the first 
instance, Mr. Park's bearings and distances, and then to 
correct the bearings by his observed latitudes, as far as 
these extend, and beyond that, I have taken his bearings 
by compass, and allowed the supposed quantity of variation. 

The result of these calculations, together with the ad- 
dition of his line of distance from Sego to Tombuctoo, was 

* See Phil. Trans, for 1791. 



32 



Appendix, 



then compared with the popular report of the distance' be- 
tween the several stations of \\ oolli, Fort St. Joseph, Bam- 
bouk, and Tombuctoo. It was found that these reports did 
not materially differ from the aggregate distance given by- 
Mr. Park ; although they fell short of it ; a difference 
which might naturally have been expected, and which I 
have ventured to alter. The difference, however, does 
not exceed twenty-four geographic miles ; a mere trifle in 
African geography. The position of Tombuctoo, so ob- 
tained, differs only half a degree in latitude, and still less 
in longitude, from that arising from the intersection of the 
lines of distance from Morocco on the N. W. and Fezzan 
on the N. E, of which a particular account will be given in 
the sequel 

A great part of Mr Park's geographical memorandums 
are totally lost, but fortunately his bearings by compass dur- 
ing a great part of the way, are preserved. In other parts, he 
has preserved only the calculation of latitude and longitude 
arising from them ; which however, of course furnish the 
means of obtaining the bearings, if necessary. As he 
omitted to take observations to determine the quantity of th e 
variation of the compass, after he lost the means of correct- 
ing his course by observations of latitude, which was at 
Jarra, about midway in his route* it becomes a question of 
some importance, what quantity to allow on those long 
lines of distance between Jarra and Silla j Silla and Man- 
ding. 

Tt appears on inquiry, that the quantity of variation is no 
more known, any where within the continent of Africa, 
than within that of New Holland. And it happens more- 
over, that the lines of equal quantities of variation, do not run 
across Africa with that degree of regularity and parallelism 
which takes place over great part of the Atlantic and Indian 
oceans, at least this is what appears clearly to my judgment, 
so that it became necessary to inquire what quantity pre- 
vails in the surrounding seas, and what the general direc- 
tion, as well as the particular nature and tendency of the 
curves of the lines of equal quantities ? 

The variation lines on the globe have occupied a good 
deal of my attention at different periods of my life, and 
therefore the application of such new observations, as the 

* The places of observation are marked on the Map by asterisks. 



APPENDIX. 



assiduity and kindness of my friends had procured for me 
on this occasion, was less difficult than if the subject had 
been new to me. A dissertation on the subject would be 
out of place here, and therefore, I shall only give the result 
of my inquiries in abstract ; after premising that the 
theoretical part belonging to the interior of Africa, is found- 
ed on a supposed continuation of those lines of equal quan- 
tities, whose tendency has been already ascertained, in the 
surrounding seas I am perfectly aware, that some may 
regard the assumption as too great ; but they will no doubt 
admit, at the same time, that it is difficult to conceive a 
more probable arrangement ; and what is much more to 
the purpose, is, that if we are compelled to abandon the 
system in the gross, the quantity of variation in the line of 
Mr. Park's travels cannot be greatly different from what we 
have assumed. For, whether the line of 18° in the south At- 
lantic, be a continuation of that in the north Atlantic, or of 
that in the Indian sea, much the same result will follow ; 
only that in the former case, the quantity will be some- 
what greater. 

It would appear, that between the East Indies and south 
America, Europe and South Africa, there are four distinct 
sets of what maybe termed concentric curves of variation 
lines on the globe, and whose highest points of convexity 
are opposed to each other within the great body of Northern 
Africa. It would appear morever, that from the place of 
opposition of these curves in Africa, where the quantity of 
variation is 18 p , it decreases vath great rapidity, and finally 
to nothing; in going eastward to India, or, south-westward 
to South America; and that from the same point it in- 
creases in goin£ NNVV towards Ireland, or to the opposite 
quarter towards the coast of Caffraria. But the change is 
not in any proportion so rapid in the increase, in going 
north or south, as in the decrease, in going east or west. 
Such are the outlines of this system ; by which, if a person 
was to set out from Cape Verd, or Cape Blanco, to traverse 
Africa from WSWtoEN E, to Upper or Lower Egypt, 
he would find at setting out, from 15^ to 16i degrees of 
westerly variation, which would increase to 18° about the 
centre of the continent, and afterwards decrease to a less 
quantity than at his setting out. Mr. Park's travels being 
comprized between Cape Verd and the centre of Africa, 
will therefore be in the quarter that has from 16 to 18 de- 



34 



APPENDIX. 



grees ; and the part more particularly, where, from the want 
of observations of latitude, we must depend on his com- 
pass bearings, nearer 18° than 17°.* I shall now proceed 
to the detail of Mr. Park's materials. 

Leaving Pisania, Mr. Park proceeded eastward to Medi- 
naf, the capital of Woolli, and thence to the E N E, through 
the countries of Bondou, Kajaaga and Kasson ; the two lat- 
ter of which are separated by the river of Senegal. 

In his way, he took observations of latitude at Kolor, 
Koorkoorany, and Joag, on this side the river, by which 
means we are enabled to correct the parallels. The dis- 
tance at present is left as it stands in the Journal, with a 
view of correcting it afterwards. The result of these bear- 

* It is in proof of the existence of this quantity of variation, that on 
closingMr. Park's route at Woolli, there appeared to be only a small 
deficiency of distance on the Map, when 70 9 variation were allowed. 
Had the quantity allowed been less, this ought not to have happened, 
at Jarra is placed according to its latitude. 

fgMajor Houghton's point of outset in 1791 was Medina. His route 
falls into that of Mr. Park at several points, and finally branches off 
from it about thirty miles short of the Faleme river, which the Major 
crossed at Calcullo, near twenty miles higher up than Naye, wfcere 
Mr. Park crossed 



APPENDIX. 



ings and distances, the particulars of which appear below,* 
places Joag at 247 miles east of Pisania; and the latitude, 
by two different observations, was found to be 14 9 25'f. 

At Joag, Mr. Park was informed that Dramanet, which 
is about two and an half miles to the eastward of Fort St. Jo- 
seph was ten miles to the westward of him. That fort is 
said to be in 14° 34', or 9 min. north of Joag; so that it 
ought to lie to the north-west, rather than to the west ; and 
accordingly there is found, in the map in Labat,| a place na- 
med Gacouva, no doubt meant for Joag, on the S. E. of St. 
Joseph, and in point of distance answering to it. Other 
places in the same map of Labat, are also recognized in the 
rout of Mr. Park ; so that the connection between it and 
the French settlement on the river Senegal, is very clearly 



Pisania ~) 

to £ 

jindey J 
Kootacunda 
Tabajang - 
Medina - - 
Konjour - - 
Mallaing - 
Kolor - - - 
Tambacunda 
Kooniakarry 
Koojar - - - 
At a well - 
Tallica - - 
Ganada - - 
Koorkoorany 
Doogi - - - 
Buggii - - 
Soobroodka 
Nave - - - 
Fattycunda 
Kimmoo - - 
Joag- - - - 



5 

H 

3 
2 
5 

H 
5 
3 
13 
4 
4 

4| 
1 

4i 

7 

7 

3 

4 

6 



Miles | Beari ^ sb y Country, 
direct.! ooroP* 88 - | 



16 

13 
6 
15 

6 
12 
14 
1.3 

9 
34 
10 
10 
12 

3 
14 
18 
16 

7 
12 
16 



SEbyE Yani 



E 

Ep 

ditto 

E JS 
E by S 

ENE 
SE bv E 
E bv N 

E JN 
B by N 
E 

E ^ N 

ESE 
E by N 

E i N 
E by N 

ENE 

ditto 

ditto 
E by N 



Lat.by! 
obs. I 



REMARKS. 



; >wooii 



J 

Woods 

1 



)>Bondou 



IJ 

IKajaaga 



13° 35' On these bear* 
ings 17° west- 
erly variation 
were allowed. 
The diff. lat. 
was then 89 ; 
departure eas- 
terly 237. But 
'49' the diff. lat. by 
obs.being only 
50, the course 
should be E. 
11JN. instead 
of E as 
before ; & the 
» 53' departure 247. 
But I have fi- 
nally correct- 
ed the easting" 
by reducing it 
24 miles, or to 
14° 25' 228. 



I According to this result, Joag would be in longitude 9° 12' and 
Tort St. Joseph in 9° 21' ; which is about 38 min. more easterly than 
M. D'Anville's Map of the Senegal allows; of which more in the sc~ 
£uel. 

,4 In vol. iv.p.92. 



36 



APPENDIX. 



made out ; which is a circumstance of some importance in 
this geography. 

It will appear that the reckoning kept by Mr. Park gave 
89 min. difference of latitude between Pisania and Joag, 
whilst the observation gave 50 only. About nine minutes 
may be placed to the account of excess of distance, and 30 
will then remain on the whole distance of 253 geographic 
miles. In other words, the dead reckoning, corrected by 
allowing 17 degress of westerly variation, gave a course of 
E 20^° N ; which, however, by the observations of latitude, 
is shewn to be be E 1 1|° N (or E by N) making a differ- 
ence of 9± degrees. But this I regard as coming very near 
considering the circumstances under which the reckoning 
was kept. 

From Joag we accompany Mr. Park to Kooniakarry and 
and Jarra. The reckoning between the two first gives 
about 23| min difference of latitude, 55 of easting.* And 
hence the latitude of Kooniakarry will be 14° 48' by ac- 
count ; but the observation taken at Jumbo., in its neigh- 
borhood, giving only L4 W 34', the account is 14to the north ; 
equal to about a point and a quarter. The same mode of 
correction has been applied here as in the former part of the 
route : that is, the whole distance has been (for the present) 
allowed, with the difference of latitude by observation : and 
hence Kooniakarry will fall 59^ geopraphical miles to the 
east of Joag 

The route from Kooniakarry to Jarrat may be divided into 



Joag to } 

Samraee J 
Kayee - - - 
Teesee - - - 
Medina - - - 
Jumbo - - - 
Kooniakarry 



HoursJ miles h^ fi by 
direct.! com P ass ' 




7 

3 

7i 
4 



18 
9 

18 

12 
12 

3 



E by N 

Ditto 
NEbvN 
S E by E 

Ditto 
EbyS 



i4 ° 23 j Kajaaga 

V 



U* 34' ! j 



Kasson 



f The register of the bearings and distance between Kooniakarry 
and Jarra, being lost or mislaid, Mr Park gave tbem from memory 
only ; but the observations of latitude at two places within that space, 



APPENDIX. 



37 



two parts ; first, to Feesurah, a place of ooservalion^ south- 
eastward ; and secondly, to Jarra, north-easi ward. 

The account of Feesurah agrees very nearly with the 
bearings and distance. The latitude, by observation, was 
14° 5', and the easting from Kooniakarry, corrected, 47 
miles. Then, to Jarfa, the account also agrees very nearly : 
the latitude was 15° 5', that is, just one degree north of 
Feesurah : and the easting from thence 33 miles. 

The aggregate of easting, between Joag and Jarra, is then 
139 h miles.* 

It may be observed, that throughout this journey, gene- 
rally, the reckoning has been to the northward of the ob- 
servations ; and that by about ten degrees on the whole 
traverse, when 17 degrees of variation have been allowed. 
It will hardly be supposed that the difference arises from 
allowing too much variation by ten degrees ; but it is sin- 
gular, that the error should, in all cases but one, lie the 
same way. I do not by any means regard the error as con- 



were preserved, as well as the latitude by account at two other places 



Kooniakary to 
Soemo - - 
Kanjee - - 
Leekarago - 
Feesurah 
K ai an call a - 
Kern moo 
Marina - - 
Foordah - - 
Funingkeddy 
Siffrbing - - 
Jarra - - - 



Hours J miles! Bcari,; S' sb y 
I direct. C0 ™P* SS ' 



17 
17 

8 
14 
18 

8 
13 

8 
12 
16 

2 



SE 

Ditto 
Easterly 
E by S 
Easterly 
EbyN 

Northerly 
Ditto 

NbyE ^ E 
N by E 
NNE 



Lat. by 

observ. 



4° 34' "1 



14' 

14° 8"\ 



J 

15° 5'} 



Country 



Kacson 



Kaarta 



Ludamar 



* Equal to 144m. of Ion. whence Joag being by account in Ion. 9° 12 
Add 144 rain, - - - 2 24 

Lon. of Jarra, by Mr. Park's original calculation - - 6 48 

C -c 



35 



APPENDIX. 



siderable, circumstances considered ;* nor is it of any con- 
sequence in the parts where the observations of lat. serve 
to correct it ; as between Pisania and Jarra. 

Mr. Park was plundered of his sextant at Jarra, which ac- 
cident, of course, put an end to his observations of latitude; 
and thus, unfortunately, left the remaining half (v try near- 
ly) of his geography in a state of uncertainty as to parallel. 
This point, therefore must be regarded as the most advan- 
ced geographical station that rests on any certain basis of 
parallel. However, the remaining part of the route will 
not appear to be much out, when it is seen how nearly the 
bearing of Sego, as determined by Mr. Park, agreed with 
the line of direction pointed out from Jarra. 

It is, no doubt, a favorable circumstance, that the instru- 
ment was not lost at an earlier period, and before the com- 
mencement of the intricate route between the pass of the 
Senegal river and Jarra ; to which may be added the ad- 
vantage of a known parallel, from whence to set off the very 
Important bearing of Tombuctoo. In effect, the bearing 
was pointed out from Benowm, but this place being nearly 
east from Jarra, and the bearing in question E -§ N, no error 
of any magnitude can be looked for. 

Jarra (called also Yarra) has already appeared in the 
maps drawn for the Association, and was originally taken 
from M. Delisle's Map, but was neglected, or overlooked, 
by M. D'Anville. In the former Map it was placed some- 
what more to the west, and in a higher parallel by about | 
of a degree. 

Between Jarra and Wassiboo, Mr. Park's reckoning, as 
it appears wrought up in his tables of day's works, gives 41 
min. diff. latitude N. and 1° 31' diff. of longitude E ; which 
reduced to departure in miles, is 89, and produces a course 
of E 26° S. But he allowed no variation after he left Jarra 
and as I ailow 17°, the course must be taken at E 9° S, 
distance, 96; geographic miles. From this arises a diff. 

* Mr. Carmichael came within 6 or 7 degrees in the bearing between 
Aleppo and Bussorah, on a distance of 720 British miles. But the 
advantages were prodigiously in his favour ; the road being straight, 
the country open, and the camel walking an equable pace. (See 

Phil, trans, for 1791.) 



APPENDIX. 



39 



!at. of 16' only ; departure 95 ; and hence, Wassiboo should 
be in latitude 14° 49', and 95 east of Jarra.* 

Mr, Park was so lucky as to preserve his original bear- 
ings,! between Wassiboo and Diggani, a place about 15' 
short of ego ; and these alone, out of all that were taken 
during the route. These give a course of E 27g° S, 174 
geographical miles ; so that when 17° of variation are al- 
lowed, the true course will be E 10 1 S ; the cliff, lat 31,7 ; 
departure 171,1 ; whence Diggani should be in lat. 14° 17', 
and 266,1 east of Jarra 

Between Diggani and Sego, returning against the table 
of latitude and lor.gUude, Mr. Park's account gives E 43 S 
15' ; or corrected E 26 S, which gives cliff lat. 6,6 ; depar- 
ture 13,5 ; so that Segx>, the capital town of Bambarra, falls 
by this account, in lat. I4 P 10' 30" and 279,6 east of Jarra.j. 

In this position, it bears E \0h S from Jarra, distant 284 
geographical miles. It is important to mention, that whilst 
at Jarra, the bearing of Sego was pointed out to Mr. Park 
by compass, E S E, or E 22^° S, his route made it 
E 27 h° S, or 5° more to the south. This difference, 
so trifling in a distance of about 330 of our miles, on 
a straight line (or in other words, the distance from 



Jarra to 

Queira 

Sherilla 

Dam a 

Wawra 

Ding} ee 

Wassiboof 

Satile 

Galloo 

Moorja 

Datiliboo 
F mimboo 
jiosorra 



Biff. ! Diff. 
Lat. S Lon.E 



IV 
14 
11 

5 



18 
1 



4 N 



9 S 
12 



25' 

40 
4 
8 
7 
7 

31 

2.1 

14 

38 
24 
18 



Doolinkt-aboo - - - - 

Diggani § 

Seracorro 

Sego 

Lat by account 13° 4' 
Diff. Ion. 4° Ati! E - 

San sanding 

Sibiti - - - 

Nyara 

Modiboo 

Silla - 



Lat. bv account 13° 22' ~> 
Diff Ion. 1° 9' E - - j 



N. 



7 


24 


19 


8 


5 


9 


6 


3 


121 


231 E 


ION 


15 E 




7 


3 


16 


3 


19 


2 


12 


18 N 


69 E 



No variation is allowed in this calculation. 



| Original bearings between Wassiboof and Diggani. § 
*This being equal to 4° 47' difference of longitude, Sego, by Mr. 
Park's reckoning, would lie in 2° 1' west of Greenwich,. 



40 



APPENDIX. 



London to Edinburgh) is not worth investigating. If we 
could suppose the report of the natives to be true, it would 
place Sego nearly 25 minutes mere to the north. For my 
own pan. I do not believe that any person, from mere 

-Klgment, unassisted by geographical records, and so far 
removed as to be out of the hearing of cannon, and of the 
view of conflagrations (two circumstances that aid the most 
in fixing the line ofdirecion between distant places) could 
ever come nearer than several degrees of the bearings of 
two places that are 330 British miles asunder.* 

Having at length reached the banks of the long sought 
for river Niger, (or Joli3a) near which the city of Tom- 
huctoo stands, Mr. Park proceeded along it several day's 
journey towards the city in question, on a course E I5| N 
by compass, but corrected E 32| N 70 G. miles ; which 
f,iv:ng a diff. lat. of 37 |, departure 59, places Silla, the ex- 
treme point of his expedition, in latitude 14° 48'; and lon- 
gitude, by reckoning, 0^ 59' west of Greenwich ; but, as 
will be hereafter shewn, when corrected^ 1° 24' west — 
Here, then, terminates his journey eastward, at a point 
somewhat more than 16 degrees east of Cape Verd, and 
precisely in the same parallel. The line of distance arising 
from this difference of longitude is about 941 G. miles, or 
.1090 British, within the western extremity of Africa ; a 
point which, although short by 200 miles of the desired sta- 
tion, Tombuctoo, the attainment of which would unquestion- 



Places. Dist. 



i Was si boo to 

(SaUIe 

i Gal loo 

| Moor) a 

jDataliboo 

'Fanimboo 

jjiosorsa 

•Doiinkeabo 

• Lions 

[§ Digg-ani 




30 


3 E by E 


20 


E SE 


15 


E by N 


25 


S E bv E 


S5 


E SE 


20 


E S E 


15 


S E bv E 


13 


S E bv S 


7 


South 



§ On working these bearings over 
again, it appeared that Mr. Park had, 
made a mistake ; and thence inferred 
i wrong position for Diggani, Sego,. 
kc. in his table of latitudes and longi-j 
tudes. I mention this to shew that 
he has acted fairly in exposing" his 
whole process ; and even his errors. 



* The informant might possibly be influenced by the bearing* of that 
por tion of the road nearest to him, which is more easterly than the 
part towards Seg9. 



APPENDIX. 



*4r 



ably have been attended with great eclat, was far beyond 
what any other European, whose travels have been commu- 
nicated ^o the European world, had ever reached.* 



CHAPTER IV. 

The Construction of the Geography continued. 

At Silla Mr. Park was informed, that Tombuctco was yet 
fourteen journies of the Caravan distant from him ; and- 
these he has calculated at 200 G. miles only, in a direct line 
from Silla ; as' it appears that a bend in the course of the 
river, prevents a direct line of route towards it. As to the 
bearing, he unfortunately could not, as at Jarra, obtain a 
consistent account of it. The natives always pointed alono; 
the general course of the river ; although, as it may be 
supposed, it occasionally deviated to the right and left.— 
It has been seen, in the bearing of Sego, how nearly it wa c v 
given by judgment ; but then the two cases differ very 
widely. The route is entirely by land, from Jarra to Sego, 
by which the idea of the general line of direction is better 
preserved, than when broken into so many small parts by a 
river navigation, the more ordinary mode of communica- 
tion (as it appears) between Silla and Tombuctoo. There 
were, no doubt, people, could Mr. Park have been able to 
meet with them, who having made the journey by land, 
could have furnished him with better information ; but the 
reader, who already knows under what suspicious circum- 
stances Mr. Park travelled in this quarter, will easily con- 
ceive, that he was precluded from any communication with 
those, who alone could have given the information ; that is, 
the Moorish merchants, and their dependents. 

The bearing of Tombuctoo from Benowm, was pointed 
out to Mr. Park, by a merchant of some consideration, who 

* It may not be known to the generality of readers, that, in the for- 
me- pa-t of this century, Tombuctoo w&s as niucn the subject of geo- 
graphical research amongst the French, as it has been of late with 
the Ensri^h, D'Anville was particularly anxious about it, as may be 
seen in the Mem. of the Academy of inscrip. Vol. xxvi. p. 73. 

C c 2 



42 



APPENDIX. 



had resided at Walet, and had visited both Tombuctoo and 
Houssa. But the exceeding great distance of Tombuctoo 
and Benowm, it being nearly twice the distance of Sego horn 
Jarra, will not admit such a degree of confidence in the re- 
port, as to allow it to supersede all other authorities, howev- 
er it may aid the task of approximating the position. But, 
notwithstanding, it will appear, that on the whole, it coin- 
cides ftiost wonderfully with the other data. 

The bearing in question, pointed out at different times, 
%vas commonly E by S, by compass ; -and Mr. Park never 
found his informant to vary more than half a point, which 
was to the southward ; or E by S \ S But the idea left on 
bis mind was E by S ; which, allowing 17 degrees varia- 
tion, is about east half north ; or more correctiy, E 5j N T . — 
And hence, admitting the distance of 200 G. milesbetween 
Silla and Tombuctoo, which supposes a space of about 500 
such miles between Benowm and Tombuctoo, this latter 
would fall at about 50 minutes of latitude northw r ard from 
Benowm (whose parallel is the same as that of Jarra, 15° 5 r ) 
and consequently in 15° 55'. The obliquity of the interme- 
diate meridians might increase the parallel some minutes, 
and we may call it roundly 16°. 

Such then was the received opinion at Benowm, concern- 
ing the parallel of Tombuctoo ; for it will appear, that the 
distance on the Rhumb ^ which determines the difference of 
latitude, cannot be taken lower than has been stated. 

If the general course of the Joliba, after its escape from 
the mountains, may be admitted to have any weight in the 
determination of the question (since Mr. Park says, that 
they always pointed along it, to express the line of direction 
in which Tombuctoo lay) this will point to a higher parallel, 
hy about half a degree, than the bearing from Benowm ; 
that is to 1 6 J degrees. And it may be remarked, that the. 
difference between these results fall yet short of what would 
Lave arisen on an error of 5 degrees in the bearing ; such 
as was experienced in that of Sego from Jarra, 

Mr. Park was informed, whilst at Benowm, that Walet, 
the capital of Beeroo, was ten journies distant, and this lat- 
ter eleven journies short of Tombuctoo. According to Mr. 
Park's information, Walet stands at about 240 G. miles to 
the eastward of Benowm ; (which would require no less 
than 24 such miles per day, and appears out of rule, unless 
meant for journies of couriers, which is possible enough.) 



APPENDIX, 



42 



But what is most to our point, is, that by the information he 
received concerning the position of Wallet, it appears to lie 
from Benowm, in the same line of direction which points to 
Tombuctoo, when placed in 16£. Now, as Wallet lies in 
the shortest route from Benowm to Tombuctoo, one might 
infer, of course, that it lies also the nearest to the line of di- 
rection towards Tombuctoo, of any of the places pointed out, 
and I confess, i am strongly inclined to adopt the highest 
parallel, on this very account. 

These alone are the authorities for the position of Tom- 
buctoo derived from Mr Park's observations and inquiries ; 
and which differ, as we have seen, no more than half a de- 
gree in the parallel ; that is, from 16°, to 16£ p . The read- 
er may recollect, that these are very far indeed to the south- 
ward of those assigned to it by M. D' Anville and myself in 
former publications — as we mistook its position so far as to 
place it between 19° and 20*. 

Before I proceed to state the authorities for its position 
derived from the northern stations, it will be proper to com- 
pare the calculation of distance made by Mr. Park, with the 
reports of merchants and travellers, in order finally to re- 
duce the longitude of Tombuctoo from the west, and afford 
a fair ground of comparison between the authorities from 
the opposite quarters. 

It has appeared that Sego, according to Mr Park's calcu- 
lation, falls in latitude 14* 10', longitude 2»- 1' west of 
Greenwich ; and accordingly, the direct distance between 
it and Medina, the capital of Woolli, will be by this account 
618 G. miles. Now, the merchants reckon 36 journies be- 
tween them. The daily rate between Fezzan and Egypt 
having come out by construction 16,3* per day, on 53 dajs, 
and about 16| between Morocco and Jarra, on 50 days, I 
may venture to assume the highest of the two rates on 36 
days, and this gives about 587, or only 31 short of Mr. Park's 
result. 

Again, between Fort St Joseph and Tombuctoo, M. 
D'Anville (Mem. Insc. vol. xxvi p 73) allows 240 French 
leagues. These are rated at 2,64 G. miles, or 23J-to a de- 
gree on his scale ; consequently there results a dis- 
tance of 62 h geographical miles. M. Lalande, (Afrique, 
p. 23) allows * 250 leagues, which give about 660 
miles. Ben Alii went from St, Joseph to Tombuctoo by 



* Strictly 16,29& 



44 



APPENDIX. 



way of Tisheet and Aroan, in 48 days. The detour may 
be taken at 8 days more than the direct road, for Mr. Park 
furnishes the positions of Tisheet and Aroan very satisfac- 
torily, whence 40 remain, which at 16,3 produce 652 miles. 

Lastly, although the following be a very vague kind of 
computation, it may not altogether be useless. Major 
Houghton's guide undertook to carry him to Tombuctoo 
from Ferbanna in Bambouk, and to return again in ninety 
days. Ferbanna is much about the same distance as St. Jo- 
seph from Tombuctoo. Perhaps no more than ten days 
can well be allowed for rest and refreshment, and then 40 
days will be the length of the journey. 

The mean of the three first reports is about 649 ; and 
on the map the space between St Joseph and Tombuctoo, 
according to Mr. Park's result is 667, or 18 more. 

There is then a difference of 3 1 only, on the accounts be- 
tween Woolli and Sego ; 18 between St. Joseph and Tom- 
buctoo ; both pointing to an excess on the part of our trav- 
eller, i am however, far from offering these results on the 
ground of inducing a belief that such small differences can 
be ascertained by such coarse materials ; but rather to 
shew that in the general scope of the authorities, there was 
more of coincidence than of disagreement, if the circum- 
stances are rightly appreciated. 

As it appears, however, that Mr Park, and Maj. Hough- 
ton formed different estimates of the distance between Me- 
dina and the Faleme, and that the former exceeds by about 
36 miles ; and moreover, that on Mr. Park's return by the 
southern route, he found by the number and scale of his 
journies, that he had allowed too great an extent to the 
space between the rivers Faleme and Gambia ; I say, it 
clearly appears that an excess may be admitted on this part. 
It may by added, that, according to the report of the 
African travellers at Pisania, concerning the arrange- 
ment of the journies, there is an excess on the v/est of Kas- 
son, whilst the space on the cast of it agrees pretty well. — ■ 
Or, strictly speaking, perhaps the space is a little under- 
rated on the east, and much over-rated on the west. If the 
mean of the differences between Pisania and Tombuc'oo, 
Fort St, Joseph and Tombuctoo, 31 and 18, that is, 24 miles 
be taken off, the result will be satisfactory ; as it agrees 
pretty well with the excess found in the southern route on 
Mr. Park's return. 

This naturally leads me to the discussion of the position 



APPENDIX. 



45 



of Fort St. Joseph as a point connecting the upper and low- 
er part of the Senegal river ; or, in other words, the routes 
of the French below, with those of the English in the interior 
of the country. 

The French report concerning this position, also points 
to an excess of distance from the westward, even more than 
that arising from the difference between Mr. Park's reck- 
oning and the reports of the merchants, for it amounts to 
about 37 miles. 

Could it be ascertained that a measured survey of the 
Senegal river, to the height of Fort St Joseph, had been 
taken, as Labat says (vol. ii. p. 157) was actually done, by 
the order of the SieurBrue, this would settle the matter at 
once. But cursory surveys have so often been called actu- 
al and measured ones, that one must be in possession of 
better authority, before the survey of the Senegal river can 
be relied on as an absolute measure of distance. Nor is 
there, in the list of places in the Con. de Temfis, any inti- 
mation of the longitude of St. Joseph by triangles, or meas- 
urement. Here follows a statement of the means used in 
fixing the position of this place. 

M. D'Anville, in his map of the Senegal and Gambia riv- 
ers (175 1 ) places St Joseph 7 P 44' east of Ferro, which be- 
ing in 17° 37' west of Greenwich, Fort St. Joseph should 
be in 9° 53'. This is 32' to the west of the position arising 
on Mr. Park's route, which gives 9° 21'. But M. D'An- 
ville supposes a difference of longitude of 6° 9' 15" only, 
between Fort St. Louis, at the mouth of the Senegal river, 
and Fort St. Joseph : and as I have followed M. Fleurieu's 
ideas in placing St Louis in 16° 8' longitude, St. Joseph 
of course falls in 9° 59', rejecting the seconds ; making a 
difference of 37 G. miles, or 38 min. from Mr. Park ; that 
is, thirteen miles more than the mean of the differences be- 
tween the authorities for the position of Tombuctoo.* 

It is obvious, that as neither St. Louis nor Jillifrey are 
exactly determined, in respect of Cape Verd,or of each oth- 
er, it would be idle to attempt a critical adjustment of them, 

* It is proper to remark, that M. D'Anville took the longitude of 
Cape Verd 18^ min. more to the east, in respect of Ferro, than M. 
Fleurieu ; and Fort St. Louis more to the west in respect to cape Verd 
by iG£ min. 

M. D'Anville, moreover, allows no more than 3° 2' 30" difT. longi- 
tude between Pisania and Fort St. Joseph, which by the corrected dis - 
tance of Mr. Park, is no less than 3? 42'. 



46 



APPENDIX. 



and therefore I have adopted the position arising from Mr, 
Park's route, corrected by 24 miles, or 25 min. of longitude 
more to the west ; so that Fort St. Joseph stands in the 
map in long 9° 46', lat. 14 Q 34'. 

In consequence of this correction, all the eastern posi- 
tions, Joag, Jarra, Sego, Sec. must of course recede 25 min. 
to the westward of the arrangement heretofore made, on 
the construction of Mr. Park's geographical materials.— 
Hence I place 

Joag, in 9° 37' west, instead of 9° 12' 

Jarra, in 7 13 6 48 

Sego, in 2 26 — 2 1 

Sil'la, in 1 24 59 

smdTombuctoo,in 1 33 east, 1 58* 

I now proceed to state the reports of the distance to 
Tombuctoo, from the NW. N. and NE. 

From Taltaf on the southern frontier of Morocco, 9| 
journies to the SSE of the capital, equal to 157 G. miles, 
the distance is 50 journies of the caravan, according to Mr. 
Matra 

From Mourzouk, the capital of Fezzan (taken to be in 
lat. 27° 48', and long. 15° 3' east, or directly south of Me- 
surata) 64 journies, according to the report of Ben AH — 
And from Tunis, 77 journies, through Kabes and Gadamis, 
according to Mr. Magrah. 

On the route between Mourzouk and Cairo, as well as 
between Morocco and Jarra, it has been already stated, (p. 
441) that 16.3 and 16,25 were the mean rates ; and the for- 
mer was accordingly adopted between Woolli and Sego. — 
At the same rate, the 50 days from Tatta, give 8 1 5 G. miles, 
and the 59^ from Morocco, 970. The 64 from Mourzouk, 
give 1043 ; and the 77 from Tunis, 1255. 

Now the above assumed position of Tombuctoo, falls ex- 
actly at the given distance from Morocco through Tatta ; 
and 18 short of that from Fezzan (Mourzouk) but 61 be- 
yond that from Tunis The coincidence, therefore, of the 
three lines of distance from the Gambia, from Morocco and 
Fezzan, may be regarded as complete, since, in using the 
same rate nearly across the whole continent of Africa, from 

* The latitudes remain as they were. 

f For further particulars respecting Tatta, see Afr, Assoc. Q. p. 225, 
said 0. 333. 



APPENDIX. 



47 



Cape Verd to Egypt, a difference of 18 miles only arises. 
And hence the public mind may well be satisfied at present 
respecting this important position. Whichsoever of the 
two determinations m&y be right, is of little consequence ; 
but I hold it to be more prudent, to adhere to that line, 
which is the result of computation in detail, and corrected 
as above, than to the long lines given in the aggregate, and 
\ in which there is moie risk of error. And thus I close 
the subject of the position of Tombuctoo : placing it in lat. 
16« 30', long. 1° 33' east of Greenwich. 

Something, however, is proper to be said, concerning the 
rate of travelling adopted on the present occasion, as it dif- 
fers materially from that allowed on long lines of distance, 
in the proceeding of the Association in 1790 I there al- 
lowed 16j for a single day, but diminished the rate accord- 
ing to the length of the lines of distance. It would appear 
that the proportion of dimunition allowed, although proper 
enough in countries w T here obstacles interpose to change 
the line of direction, is not applicable to that part of Africa 
where the great Deserts are crossed in so straight a line, 
as hardly to increase the simple winding arising on each 
day's course, in any considerable degree ; and that even the 
simple winding is less than elsewhere. And hence, 16^ 
or more, arises on the camel routes, on long lines of dis- 
tance across the Desert ; and on the Pilgrim's routes, 
where it appears the camels travel with light burthens. It 
was through misconception of this rate, that I placed Tom- 
buctoo so far to the north I am ignorant of the cause of 
M D'Anville's error. 

The particulars of the geography between Silla and Tom- 
buctoo are copied exactly from Mr. Park's map, and re- 
quire but little elucidation. Jinne, a large town, is two 
short journies below Silla ; and Tombuctoo, twelve, still 
lower down It would appear that all the journies were 
conceived to be short, as Mr. Park allows only 200 G miles 
for the aggregate of the fourteen 

Two days below Jinne, the Joliba expands itself into a 
considerable lake, already mentioned by the name of Dib- 
bie ; from whence the river again issues in a number of 
streams These unite at a lower point, and then form two 
large branches, which, separating widely from each other, 
form an island, near 100 miles in length, whose name being 
Ginbala. or Jiubala, we recognize in it the Guinbala coun- 



43 



APPENDIX. 



try of M. D'Aimlle ; as in the northern branch of the river 
that bounds it, the river of Guin, mistaken by him for the 
original head of the Tombuctoo river (or Niger) as he also 
mistook the lake of Dibbie for that of the Senegal river. — 
Such were the errors in the African geography, to the date 
of the African Association, one of which errors con- 
ducted the Senegal river through 500 miles of the space 5 
which is, in reality, occupied by the Niger. 

The position of Houssa will be adjusted in the map of Af- 
rica. 

The important station of Tombuctoo being adjusted, to- 
gether with the positions dependent on it, 1 proceed with 
Mr.. Park on his return by the south, to his original point 
of outset in the west ; taking it up at Sego, by which he 
passed in his way. 

Along this line, an account of the bearings by compass 
was kept, as well as circumstances would permit, until the 
instrument was rendered useless by robbers, near Sibidoo- 
loo. This was, however, the most important part of the 
route, as it lay along the side of the Joliba, the knowledge 
of whose course is by this means prolonged to about 350 
British miles. Mr. Park moreover committed to paper a 
tracing of its general windings ; and obtained notices res- 
pecting the place of its source, during his long residence 
at Kamalia, in the country of Manding, commonly called 
Man din ga. 

Kamalia is about 40 G. miles SW of Sibidooloo ;* and 
to this place Mr. Park contrived to extend his line of bear- 
ings from Sego He also learnt that Jarra lay ten jcurries 
to the north-westward of Kamalia; which agrees satisfac- 
torily to the result from Sego, as it leaves 154 G miles for 
the ten journies ; and Kamalia itself falls in lat. 12° 46' ; 
227 h from Sego, in a direction of W 21 S ; corrected by 
the allowance of 17° variation, 

The town of Bammako, where the Joliba first becomes 
navigable (or perhaps to which point it is navigable up- 
wards, in a continuous course from Tombuctco) lies about 

* It lies nearly midway between the Joliba ard Senegal rivers, 



APPENDIX. 



50 miles short of Kamaliah.* It is reckoned by the natives 
ten journies only from Scgo.f 

At Kamaliah the source of the Joliba (or Niger) v. as 
pointed out to Mr. Park at a bearing of south, a very little 
west, seven journies distant ; and for these he allows 108 
G. miles. The name of the place is Sankary, and seems 
meant by the Songo of D'Anviile ; which, however, he sup- 
posed to be at the source of the Gambia river, in the king- 
dom of Mandinga. Such were the crude ideas heretofore 
entertained of this geography. 

Here it may be proper to mention, that Mr. Park, whilst 
at Kooniakarry, in Kasson, in his way out, meditated a route 
to the south-eastward through Kasson, Fooladoo and Man- 
ding ; which route was to have brought him to the Joliba 
in twenty days The place on the Joliba is not mentioned ; 
possibly it might be Yamina, This route, however, he was 
not permitted to take. Had he pursued it, his persona) 
sufferings might probably have been less ; but our know- 
ledge of the geography would probably have been less also. 

It has been mentioned that the space between Jarra and 
Kamaliah, is checked by the report of the road distance be- 
tween them. It is proper also to state, as a further proof 
of the consistency of the respective positions of Jarra and 
Kong, that the distance across, agrees generally with the 
report of the Shereef Imhammed, who says, that Yarba, 
(meant for Yarra or Jarra) is eighteen to twenty days jour- 
ney to the NW of Gonjah, meaning Kong. (Prof. Af. As- 
soc. chap xii.) Mr. Park was told that Kong was ten jour- 
nies to the southward, or SSW of Sego ; and he saw a part 
of the great ridge of blue mountains of Kong, as he coasted 
the Niger westward. These notices agree well with the 
Shereef's report. 

Between Kamaliah and Woolii, there is yet a greater de- 
gree of uncertainty respecting the data for the geographi- 
cal construction ; for in this long line o f near 400 geograph- 
ical miles, the line of direction is collected from the places 

* Bammako, by Mr. Park's original bearings, lies from Sego W 8° S 
178 G. miles ; and Kamaliah W 7 *°N 51{. These are connected to 
W 25°, and W 9 ps. 

j Perhaps the long journies of the slave caravans, such as Mr.. ■P-.sa'k 
experienced to the westward of this p'ace. 

D d 



APPENDIX. 



of the sun and stars ; the compass being useless whilst the 
traveller was in mosion. Besides, the~rapidity of the march 
and the height of the woods, were unfavorable to any at- 
tempts of that kind, had bodily fatigue and hunger left him 
either the inclination or the ability ; for in effect, it was 
one long forced march through the Jallonka Wilderness, 
under the terrors of famine, or being left behind to perish 
by v/ild beasts. 

Under such circumstances, it was full as much as could 
reasonably be expected, to obtain some general idea of the 
line of direction on which he travelled ; together with the 
proportional lengths of the several intervals, by keeping an 
account of the time, leaving the absolute scale to be deter* 
Tnined by the extent of the space. In this he succeeded so 
well, that the middle part of the line, when produced to the 
capital of Woolli, appears to be no more than half a point 
out of the bearings as is shewn by Labat's map of Bam- 
bouk (Vol. iv. p. 92) in which the course of the river of 
Faleme, which Mr. Park crossed in his way home, as well 
as out, is described, and affords much assistance in adjust- 
ing his position on that river, on his return. 

It is first necessary to state, that M. D'Anville, in his 
map of Senegal, &c. (1751) has totally disregarded the 
scale of Labat's map, as well as most of the bearings in it-; 
having preferred to it some other authority ; perhaps some 
tracing of the two rivers. M. D'Anville allows no more 
than 37 geographical miles between the two passes Naye 
and Kayee on the Faleme and Senegal rivers, when Mr. 
Pard allows sixty-two Now Labat's scale agrees with the 
latter ; for he allows 28 \ French leagues for this interval, 
equal to 2,16 geographical miles per league, according to 
Mr Park's calculation. The leagues were therefore prob- 
ably of road measure ; as a league in direct distance appears 
to be equal to 2,f54. Hence, M. D'Anville seems to 
have misconceived the matter, and has applied the same 
erroneous scale to the course of the Faleme river upwards ; 
which he has shortened by about 26 geographical miles ; 
carrying that part no higher than to latitude 13 Q , which by 
the original (or rather the proportioned) scale, should be 
extended to 1.2? 34'. 

This map of Labat, then, gives the position of Ferbanna 



APPENDIX. 



on the Faleme river ;* as also the southern boundaries of 
Bondou and Bambouk, with other particulars. Mr. Park, 
when at the pass of the Faleme river, between Satadoo and 
Medina,t obtained some general notices concerning his po- 
sition, in respect of the above points. For he learnt that 
Ferbanna (Tenda) lay at some distance lower down the river, 
that Bondou (by the account of a fellow-traveller who was 
on his way thither) lay six journies to the northward ; and 
he learnt also the general position of Bambouk. To this 
may be added, that he kept on his right hand, to the N. and 
even touch the foot of it at Dindikoo, a ridge of mountains,, 
answering to that which, in Labat's map, crosses the Fa- 
leme above Ferbanna ; and which is also found precisely at 
the corresponding point with Binkidoo. Moreover, it pre- 
serves in, Labat, the same distance from the southern boun- 
dary of Bambouk, as that seen by Mr. Park. And finally it 
appears, by the description of the southern route pointed 
out by the king of Bambouk, (see Mem. 1793, p. 11.) that 
Mr. Park passed to the soutward of Ferbanna, and yet not 
far from it For the king's road from Ferbanna (Tenda) led 
eastward through Concoudou (the Konkodoo of Mr. Park* 
a province) as also through Silloumana, Gangaran, Gadou, 
and Manding. Now Cere is every reasonable proof that 
bating (Ferbanna) this is the very route by which Mr. Park 
returned. His route went through Gangaran (Gankaran) 
on the one hand, Konkodoo on the other. Silloumana is 
very probably intended for Kullo-Manna,! a famous pass 
over the Black river, or main stream of the Senegal, where 
a bridge of a very singular construction is thrown across 
occasionally, for the use of the caravans. It is unlikely 
that bridges should occur at f wo-places in the southern route 
and more particularly as the one at Manna is placed there* 
because the steep rocky banks and narrow channel of the 
river, are peculiarly adapted to that kind of bridge. 

It may therefore be concluded, that from Konkodoo? 

* Not the Ferbanna of Bombouk, at which Major Houghton re- 
sided ; but Ferbanna Tenda, through which the king of Bambouk de- 
scribed the southern route of the Slatees to lead, from Woolli to Man- 
ding. (See Mem. Af. Assoc. 1793 : p. 11.) 

f There are several places of this name. The one in question lies 
to the south of Bambouk. 

t Kullo is a province of Jallankadoo, occupying both banks of the 
Basing, or Black river y and Manna the name of the town. [Park.] 



APPENDIX. 



the king's road, instead of turning to the S W to Satadoo, 
leads straight on to the westward to Ferbanna, and thence 
into the Woolii road, either at Beneserile or Kirwanny ; 
being a branch only of the great southern road, leading di- 
rectly across the mountains ; whilst the other makes a bend 
to- the south to avoid them ; which bend according to Mr. 
Park's description of his route, is so much like that of La- 
bat's map above Ferbanna, that I cannot help suspecting the 
Dambanna of Labiit to be mean t for the Dindikoo of Mr. 
Park I return to the construction of the route. 

Ferbanna in Labat, is placed 33 leagues on a bearing of 
S 11° E from Caculio, another pass on the same river Fa- 
leme, in latitude 13^ 54', by Major Houghton's observa- 
tions ; and which is about 20 miles south of Naye, where 
Mr. Park crossed it in his way out. The 33 leagues accord- 
ing to the proportional scale furnished by Mr. Park's route 
(2,16 each) give 7 1| G. miles for the distance of Ferbanna. 
from Caculio ; or latitude 12* 46'. From this point, La- 
bat describes the course of the river, 24 miles higher up, in 
a SE by E. direction. About this place, we may suppose 
that Mr. Park crossed the Faleme on his return ; since it 
agrees with the circumstances of the mountains, the bend 
of the road above described, and t*e distance of Bambouk 
and Bondou ; to which may be added, the general accord- 
ance of the bearing from Manding. Medina, a village, 
stood on the west bank of the Faleme, at the pass ; and Sa- 
tadoo, the capital of the province, at two miles to the east- 
ward of it. It is certain that neither Satadoo, nor Konko- 
doo, appear in Lahat's map. In that, Macanna is the name 
of the country bordering on the south of Bambouk ; but 
Mr. Park calls it Konkodoo, which means the country of 
mountains ; and appears very characteristic. (These moun- 
tains extend through Bambouk and Kasson, and are pro- 
ductive in gold.) Again, Combregondou in Labat, occu- 
pies the places of Satadoo and Dentila in Mr. Park's de- 
scriptions ; and we must therefore conclude, that either 
these countries have more than one name, or have changed 
their names in the course of the century. 

On the whole, it cannot well be doubted that the adjust- 
ment of the southern route, to the northern, in this place, 
is tolerable exact ; and it is indeed a matter of the first im- 
portance to the geography. One circumstance is very 
much in its favour : At Kirwanny on this route Mr. Park 



APPENDIX. 



53 



Sfras told, that the course of the Gambia river lay three 
purines southward, or one journey within the boundary of 
Foota- Julio ; and Dr. Afzelius was informed, that the same 
river runs at the distance of four journies from the moun- 
tains which skirt the Rio Grande on the north-east. These 
notices accord perfectly with the relative positions of Kir- 
wanny, and the course of the Rio Grande, which are about 
1 12 G. miles asunder, on the construction. 

This adjustment, moreover, goes as well to the propor- 
tioning of the longitudinal distance, on the line between Ka- 
maliah and Wolli, by means of the course of the river Fa- 
leme, extended from a known point in the northern route. 

On Mr. Park's original map, I find 201 G. miles on that 
portion of the southern line, east of the Faleme river; 181 
on the west ; whilst the respective intervals on my construc- 
tion are 211, and 185. But Mr. Park observed, that there 
was a greater portion of distance to be travelled through, on 
his return, than he bad expected. His reckoning was, accord- 
ing to the sea phrase, a head of the shift ;- which was, no 
doubt, occasioned by his omitting to take the variation of 
the compass into the account, after he had lost his sextant 
at Jarra. 

It appears on the examination of his journal, that be- 
tween the river Feleme and Baraconda, in Woolli, a few 
miles short of Medina, they employed nine whole days, and 
part of a tenth ; a great part of which journey lay through 
the wilderness of Tenda and Simbani. Six of the days are 
remarked to be either long or very long ; and one in par- 
ticular was a very hard day's work. Allowing six miles 
for the fraction of the day, the nine whole ones require 19 
G. miles, of direct distance, each; and as the road diverged 
considerably from a direct line (to the southward, falling in 
with the Gambia pretty high up) they may be taken some- 
what higher. The five forced marches through the Jallon- 
ia Wilderness are also calculated at 19 each, direct; and 
which may produce 25 road miles ; I should conceive those 
through the Tenda and Simbani Wildernesses to be equal 
to 26, at a medium; and some of them more than 30.* 

* Mr. Park seems to reckon 18 G. miles, in a direct distance, a 
long" journey ; and 16 to 17 seems to have been his ordinary rate 7 
when left to himself. This is also the ordinary rate of travelling with 
these who perform journies on foot, or with loaded beasts. 

D-d 2 



APPENDIX. 



Thus I have brought the grand outline of Mr. Park's 
Geography to a conclusion ; and cannot do otherwise than 
sympathize with him in his feelings, when he arrived at 
" the hospitable door of Dr. Laidley," at Pisania, after an 
absence of eighteen months, unheard of, during the whole 
time ; whether enjoying the triumphs of exploring new 
paths ; whether pining in hopeless captivity, amongst the 
barbarous Moors of Jarra ; or festered by the kind hands of 
Mandingo Negroes. 



It remains that something should be said regarding the? 
connection of Mr, Park's Geography with that of Labat, 
between the rivers Senegal and Feleme ; as well as con- 
cerning the positions of the falls of the Senegal river 

Labat's scale has already been adjusted to Mr Park's, 
in p. 447, where 2, i 6 G miles where found equivalent to 
one of Labat's- leagues, in direct distance. 

Kayee, the pass on the Senegal river, where Mr. Park 
crossed it, is given at 16| leagues above Fort St. Joseph, in 
Labat's map (Vol. IV. p. 92) and the falls of F'low (Felon 
in Labat) 5± still higher up. Kayee may therefore be taken 
at 36 miles and F'low 48, above St. Joseph ; the bearing a 
point or more to the southward of east. 

F'low is the lower fall (below which the river continues 
navigable generally to the sea) and Govinea, the upper fall. 
The distance between them is very differently represented 
by different persons ; but, I believe, is from 12 to 14* 
leagues, perhaps 30 G. miles, direct. It is true, that Labat 
says, in more than one place,* that they are 40 leagues 
■asunder ; but as his map (in VoL I V. p. 92) has less than 
12 leagues ; and as M P. D also says (p. 78) 12 leagues * 
and as, moreover, the King of Kasson's residence is said to 
be midway between the two falls ; and that residence ap- 
pearing to t>e Kooniakarry, a place visited by Mr, Park £ 
and which is no more than about 22' from the lower fall, 
and at 13' distant from the north bank of the river \ it can- 



• Vol. il p. 156. Yol> iii, 290 and 3$Bt 



APPENDIX. 



not well be otherwise, than that the two falls are within 30 
G miles of each other. And hence it may be concluded, 
that quatorze^ and not guarante, was in the original manu- 
script. 

Tiie distance between Kooniakarry and the Senegal river5 
13 miles, points to a WNW course, or thereabouts, of the 
river between the falls ; not much different from its gener- 
al course, lower down. But as the Ba fing, or the principal 
arm of this river, must run almost directly to the north, 
from the place where Mr. Park crossed it in Jallonkadoo, 
it is highly probabl , that the two great branches unite at 
no great distance above the upper full ; for the same ridge 
of mountains that occasions the fall, may, perhaps, occasion 
a junction of the different streams above it. 

These falls are said by Labat to be from 30 to 40 toises 
perpendicular, or 180 to 240 French feet. We must re- 
collect that P. Hinnepan states the fall of Niagara at 600 
feet, which subsequent accounts have reduced to 150.| 
The reader will, however, find very curious descriptions 
of these falls, and of the river itself, in Labat, Vol. II. p* 
156, 160. 

t Se&EUicot's letter in Europ. ftlag. vol. ssi% 



CHAPTER V. 

Construction of the New Map of North Africa* New ar- 
rangements of the course of the Nile; its distant foun- 
tains yet unexplored by Europeans. A central position 
in Africa determined. Edrisis lines of distance consist- 
ent. Errors of Leo. 

In order that the reader may be enabled to judge of the 
improved state of the new map of North Africa, I shall set 
before him a list of the authorities, together with an outline 
of the construction. To enter into a detail of both would 
require a volume ; T shall, therefore, barely specify the au- 
thorities for the sea coasts, and for such parts of the inte- 
rior as have been aforetimes described by geographers; 
and confine the detail to modern discoveries, and to such 



* Table of the principal latitudes and longitudes in the map. 













By M Fieu* 












In the map. 


rieu 


Con.de 


















Temj.s 


Bruce,, 


















Latitude. 


Longitude. 


Longitude. 








*Cadiz - - - 


36° 


21'N 


6° 


19' W- 


6° 


19' 








C. Spartal - - 


35 


48 


5 


57 


6 


2 


5 


54 




C. Cantin - - 


32 


33 


9 


15 


9 


11 








C. de Geer - - 


30 


28 


9 


$4 


10 


31 


9 


53 




C. Bojador - - 


26 


20 


14 


17 


14 


49 


14 


28 




*J. Ferro - 


27 


51 


17 


37 


17 


37 








C Blanco - - 


20 


47 


16 


58 


16 


58 








*C. Verd- - - 


14 


48 


17 


34 


17 


35 








fC. Palmas - - 


4 


30 


7 


41 












fl. St. Thomas - 





18 N 


6 


37 E 












Tunis - - - 


S5 


44 


10 


20 












Tripoli - - - 


32 


54 


13 


15 






13 


20 




Tvlourzouk - - 


;27 


48 


15 


o 
O 












*Suez- - - - 


30 


2 


32 


°8 












C;»iro - - 


;30 


3 


31 


20 








29 




K'-sire - - - 


:26 


8 


34 


8 










*3i m 


Sennar - - - 


13 


35 


33 


30 30" 












Source of tbeNile 




















in Abyssinia 


10 


59 


36 


55 










*S6 55 


j- C. Guardafui - 


11 


43 


51 


12 












Syene - - - 


34 


— }33 


30 










*33 30 



APPENDIX. 



parts as those discoveries have helped to improve ; and 
more especially to the points which determine the courses 
of the Niger and Nile. 

The western and southern coast, from the Strait of Gib- 
ralter to the Equator, have been newly constructed for the 
present purpose. M. Fleurieu's authorities have been fol- 
lowed in respect of Cape Verd, Cape Blanco, and the Ca- 
nary Islands. The coasts of Morocco and Fez rest on the 
authority of Don Tousino's charts in the Spanish atlas ; and 
between Morocco and Cape Blanco, various authorities 
have been admitted in the different parts ; as it appeared to 
me, that M Fleurieu had not rightly conceived the posi- 
tion of Cape Bajador. 

The coasts on the south and east of Cape Verd, are drawn 
in conformity to the ideas of Captain Price. This gentle- 
man, in the Royal Charlotte East India ship in 1793, had an 
opportunity of adjusting the longitudes of some important 
points; which longitudes Mr. Dalrymple applied to the 
correction of the existing charts of the coast, and with his 
accustomed liberality and zeal for the improvement of 
science, permitted me to avail myself of the use of these 
corrections, previous to his own publication of them in a dif- 
ferent form. It is to the same invaluable journal of Cap- 
tain Price that I am indebted for some of the most import- 
ant notices respecting the variation of the compass, along 
the coast of Guinea, &c. and without which notices, the ap- 
proximation of the quantity of variation in the interior of 
Africa, could not have been accomplished. (See page 432 ) 

The result is, that the coast of Guinea has several de- 
crees more of extent from east to west ; and that the breadth 
of South Africa at the Equator, is less than M. D'Anville had 
supposed 

No alteration has been made in the coasts within the Me- 
diterranean, save in the form and position of the Gulf of 
Alexandretta, and the adjacent coasts. 

The Red Sea, or Arabian Gulf, as well as the whole 
course of the Nile, have been re-const ucted for the pre- 
sent purpose For the former, a great collection of new 
materials has been furnished by Mr. Dalrymple. This in- 
cludes a new chart of the whole Gulf by Captain White, 
made in 1795 ; but ; have not followed either that or any 
other single authority throughout; but have made such a!- 



APPENDIX. 



terations as appeared to be warranted, on an examination 
and comparison of the different materials . 

The upper part of the Gulf, between Suez and Yambo, 
is, however, preserved entire, as Captain White drew it. 

The position of the Gulf is thus adjusted : 

Captain White, by two observations of eclipses of Jupi- 
ter's first satellite, found the longitude of Suez to be 30° 28' 
30" east of Greenwich ; and a mean of 76 lunar observations 
differed less lhan a minute from the former. 

The difference of longitude between Suez and Mocha, 
near the entrance of the Gulf, is, by the mean of five differ- 
ent accounts, 11° 4' which added to 32° 28' gives 43° 32 r 
for the longitude of Mocha ; and which is nearly a mean be- 
tween the different results by time-keepers. But until a 
greater number of celestial observations are taken at the 
mouth of the Gulf, its position cannot be deemed exact. 

Cape Guardafui is placed by time-keeper observations in 
51° 12' longitude, 11° 43' of latitude. 

The adjustment of the lower part of the course of the 
Nile, to the shores of the Red Sea, differs very much from 
M. D'Anvill's map. He supposed that the Nile, in its 
course from the lower cataract (near Syene) to Cairo, gra- 
dually approached towards the Arabian Gulf; but late ob- 
servations shew that it runs nearly parallel to it, throughout 
that extent, which is about seven degrees of latitude.— 
Hence the distance across, between the port of Kosire and 
Ghinna on the Nile, is much less than M D'Anville sup- 
posed, he having allowed about 110 G. miles, although 90 
is about the truth * 

* Mr. Bruce reckoned 44J hours of the caravan (with camels) be- 
tween Kosire and Kuft (that is Coptos) near Ghinna; Mr, Irwin 46 
from Kosire to Banute, situated at the Nile, at five hours above Ghin- 
na. The earners rate is 2 J British miles by the road ; consequently 
less than two G. miles in direct distance, 

M. Savary had much the same idea of the distance, for he reckons it 
33 French leagues. (Vol. ii. letter ii.) But his map has 70 G. miles 
only ; Focock's 90. 

Mr. Irwin reckons the bearing WNW from Kosire to Ghinna ; 
doubtless by compass. The variation might be 13 to 14 degrees ; 
whence Ghinna would bear W 9 Q N from Kosire ; Banute, which is 
stated to be about five hours to the south of Ghinna, will therefore by 
this account bear 1^° N of W from Kosire. Mr. Irwin was certainly 
very near the mark, though a little tpo much northerly. It appears 



APPENDIX. 



It may be proper to state, that the line between Kosire 
and Ghinna is by no means the shortest that can be drawn 
between the Nile and the Red Sea, because it runs obliquely 
between them The distance appears to be no greater than 
72 miles on an KNE course, from Ghinna to the nearest 
part of the coast, 

Cairo, by the means of several accounts, is about 59 G. 
miles to the west of Suez, equal to l u 8' of longitude.* — . 
So that Cairo should stand in 31° 20'. The Con. de Temfis 
has 31° 29' ; but it is probable that Suez is the best deter- 
mined of the two places. 

Mr. Bruce had observations of longitude at Kosire and 
Sayene, or Assuan. The first he gives at 34° 4' ; andcapt. 
White at 34° 3'. But as capt. White gives its latitude at 
26° 18', whilst Mr. Bruce found it only 26° 8', we may sup- 
pose that the former did not approach the coast near enough 
to discriminate particulars. Mr. Bruce's parallel intersects 

that Banute is in lat. 25° 47' 30" in D'Anville, and is 8 min. N of Ne- 
gada ; at which place Mr. Bruce observed the latitude to be 25° 53' 

30". Consequently D'Anville is 14 min. too far south in this part • 

Apply this to Banute, and we have 26° V 30''. Kosire lies in 26° 8', 
and Banute is then to the south of it, in reality, by several minutes. — 
At Syene, Mr. Bruce's latitude is 11 min. north of D' Anville's. Not 
to go into extremes, I have taken Banute at 5 min. S of Kosire, Ghinna 
3 min. N of it, or 26° 1 L'. D'Anville places Ghinna in 26° 1'. It was 
of importance that these parallels of the places should be adjusted. 

* The principal authorities are the following' • 

M. Niebuhr reckoned bet ween Suez and the lake of the pilgrims sit- 
uated at 6,9 G. miles E 38 N from Cairo, 28h 40m 

M. Volney, - 29 — 

Dr. Pocock, - • - 29 15 



mean 28 58 

Add from the Lake to Cairo, as it is usually reckoned, 3 — 



or say 32 hours 31 58 

But as there are (besides the just mentioned 3 hours, in a direction 
of about 40o from the general line of direction) 3 Jh more between Suez 
and Ajerud, at much the same angle, a considerable reduction of the 
direct distance must take place, probably about 1 J hour; whence 
there remains 30^ And as Dr. Shaw states the general report of the 
distance to be 30 hours, it may be conceived that this is the actual 
distance by the shortest route, which leaves the lake and Ajerud to 
the north. And for these, 59 G. miles direct mav be allowed. M. 
D'Anviiie allowed 60, 



APPENDIX. 



the coast in capt. White's chart, in long. 34 c 8' ; and I have 
adopted that for the place of Kosire. Capt. White may per- 
haps have mistaken the old for new Kosire. 

Syene is given at 33° 30' by Mr. Bruce, making 2° 10' 
E from Cairo ; whereas M. D'Anville has no more than 
41 minutes of easting. Hence arises a difference of 12 de- 
grees in the bearing ; M. D'Anville's being about N 9 W| 
Bruce's N 21 W ; or nearly parallel to the shore of the 
Red Sea. 

The longitude of Sennar is 33° 30' 30", according to 
Mr. Bruce. In this particular is found the widest differ- 
ence between D'Anville and Bruce ; the former placing it 
no less than 3° 50' more to the west : that is, D'Anville has 
it 1° 41' west of Cairo, Bruce 2° 9' east of it. 

In effect, then, the general course of the Nile below Sen- 
nar lies to the west of north, instead of the contrary, as de- 
scribed in the imperfect materials offered to M. D'Anville. 
For we cannot doubt the general truth of Mr. Bruce's geo- 
graphical positions although we may not be inclined to al- 
low them every point of accuracy. In the observation of 
longitude at Kosire, we have seen that he comes very near 
to capt. White ; and his longitude of Cairo, is more exact, 
or more in harmony with capt. White's observations at Suez 
than the longitude recorded in the Con. cle Temps. We 
have, moreover, another observation of longitude taken by 
Mr. Bruce at the eastern source of the Nile, 36» 55' 30" 
(lat. 10° 59') from whence one route leads eastward to the 
shore of the Red Sea at Masua, another westward to Sennar. 
Admitting his observations to be ever so coarsely made, 
these routes must have afforded so considerable a check to 
the distance between Masua and Sennar as to have preclu- 
ded any very great error in a difference of longitude of 
about 6 degrees only ; so that there is a little question but 
that M. D'Anville's statement is wrong. 

From Sennar, Mr. Bruce has a new and interesting route 
northward to Syene. Dongola lay wide to the west of this 
route and he has not informed us on what authority it is 
placed in his map Still, however, the change in the posi- 
tion of the Nile must carry Dongola to the eastward with it 
of course ; and in Bruce's map it is found at 1° 18' diff. 
long, to the east of D'Anville's ;* equal to 73 G, miles.— 

* That is M. D. places it 36 m/n. west of Cairo ; Mr. B. 42 min E 
of it. 



APPENDIX, 



61 



TheTatitude of Dongola is also half a degree to the south 
of the parallel assigned by D' ^nville, that is, 19| instead of 
i,0°. With respect to that of Sennar, D'Anville was right. 

In describing the western head of the Nile (and which has 
no existence in Mr. Bruce's map) it may be thought that I 
have advanced into the regions of conjecture ; but I trust 
that I have not gone beyond the limits implied by the author- 
ities. To enter into a detail of these, together with the de- 
ductions and combinations arising from them, would occu- 
py too much room here ; especially as they are designed for 
another place. It may be sufficient to state, that the branch 
in question, called the White River, or Abiad* is admitted 
by Mr. Bruce himself, to be a more bulky stream than the 
Abyssinian branch. That M. Maillet was told, that it holds 
a course which is distant from i2 to 20 journeys from the 
eastern branch. That Ledyard was told at Cairo, by cer- 
tain persons from Darfoor^ that the Nile has its fountains 
in their country, situated 5 5 journies to the westward of Sen- 
nar ;f and whose frontier province, Kordofin, is placed by 
Bruce adjoining to the west of the country of Sennar. And 
finally, that Ptolemy, Edrisi, and Abulfeda, all place the head 
of the Nile in a quarter far remote from Abyssinia. Ptole- 
my, in particular, has described the eastern source in suet) 
a way, as that it cannot be taken for any other than the 
Abyssinian branch, L e. Bruce's Nile ; and yet he, at the 
same time, describes a larger and more distant source, to 
proceed from SW, answering to the White River. His 
Coloe lake is clearly the Tzana of Bruce : and may possi- 
bly have been meant to express Galla, the name of the 
southern division of Abyssinia. :£ 

*This must not be confounded with the Neel Abeed, the name ap- 
plied by the Arabs to the Niger. 

| See Mr. Led)' aid's communication in African Association, for 1790 
— 91. He says 5$ journies, or four or -five hundred miles. There 
must of course be an error, either in the number of the journies, or of 
the* miles. 

t Mr. Bruce has fallen into an error, which may mislead those who 
do not attend to his map. He says, vol. iii. p. 720, that " the ground 
declines southward from the parallel of five degrees north but in the 
map at the end of vol. v. the waters, as we have just said, begin to flow 
southward, from the latitude of 8° north. I believe, with him, that 
- farther to the west, the southern slope may not begin short of the 5ik 
degree of latitude. 

E e 



62 



APPENDIX. 



Having completed this part of the subject, I proceed to 
the inland positions in the western and central parts of the 
continent. 

M. D'Anville has been followed in the geography of Bar- 
bary and Morocco, with the exception of an adjustment of 
the interior of the latter, to the coasts ; which are drawn 
from the charts in the Atlas of Don Tosino, in which the 
capes of Cantin, Geer, &c are placed more to the east, in 
respect of the strait, than in D'Anville. 

The lower parts of the Senegal, Gambia, and Rio Grande, 
are from M. D'Anville's and Dr. Wadstrom's maps. 

Of Mr. Park's route and discoveries it is needless to say 
more than that the particular map which contains them, has 
been copied into this ; forming a most important member 
of it. 

The routes and positions formerly introduced from mate- 
Hals collected by the African Association, in the northern 
part of the continent, are revised and re-constructed ; per- 
haps with more effect, as our knowledge and experience of 
;he subject increases. 

Fezzan is placed, as before, due south from Mesurata \ 
Its capital, Mourzouk, being 17^ journies of the caravan, 
distant. Edrisi affords a slight check to the bearing, as 
well as to the distance by means of Wadan, which lies neatly 
midway, and is five journies west of Sort, a known posi- 
tion on the coast ; and also eight journies of his scale from 
Zuela, a known position in Fezzan * 

A description of the caravan routes from Tripoli to Mour- 
zouk, Egypt and the Niger, will be found in the Proceed- 
ings of the Association, published in 1890, and 1791, chap- 
ters x. and xii. 

The point on which the central and eartern positions de- 
pend, is Ghinny, or Ghana, as Edrisi and Abulfeda call it, a 
city, and capital of a kingdom, situated nearly midway be- 
tween the Indian Sea, and the Atlantic, on the E and W ; 
and between the Mediterranean and the Ethiopic Seas, on 
the N and S. Fortunately, this point, on which so many 
others depend, can be satisfactorily approximated ; though 

* The day's journey of Edrisi is taken at 18 Arabic miles, or about 
19 Ct. miles in direct "distance. Strictly speaking", it should be 19,06. 
as 56 1 Arabic, miles are equal to a degree 



APPENDIX. 



by this, I do not mean to any degree of nicety, where an ex- 
tent of 70 degrees, nearly, is in question. 

According to Edrisi, Ghana lies 37 journies from Germa, 
through Agadez, or Agadost. Germa, an ancient and ru- 
ined city of Fezzan, lies to the ESE of Mourzouk, about 4 
journies.* The position of Germa therefore, will be about 
lat. 27 Q 25' : long. 16» 20' E Agadez in 25 of Edrisi's 
journies from Germa,f and it is said to bear S by W. or S 
SVV. from the capital of Fezzan \ Again, Agadez is given 
at 48 caravan journies from Gadamis, which latter is2i such 
journies, in a southerly direction, from Tunis J| The road 
to Agadez makes a considerable angle, by passing through 
Tegerhi, situated 80 miles only to the SW or WSW of 
Mourzouk ;§ and hence the direct distance of 48 journies 
must undergo some dimunition. The result places Aga- 
dez S by W | W from Mourzouk, 479 G. miles distant ; 
which only exceeds by six miles the distance arising on 
the 25 journies from Germa ; and its position will be a few 
minutes above the parallel of 20 degrees, and a little more 
than half a degree of longitude west of Tripoli. The posi- 
tion receives some further check, from the circumstances 
of Tegerhy being midway between Kabes and Agadez % 

Ghana is 12 days of Edrisi's scale to the southward of 
Agadez, or about 229 G miles. f It appears that Ghana 
lies somewhat to the east of the line which passes through 
Agadez from Germa; whence some little deduction should 
be made from the agregate distance of 37 days, or 705 
miles ; and 1 have, therefore, taken 700 as the general line 
of distance from Germa to Ghana. 

Mr Matra was told, at Morocco, that Ghinny (Ghana of 
Edrisi) was 40 journies from Kabra, the port of Tombuc- 
too, along the bank of the Niger. These taken at the cara- 
van rate between Fezzan and Egypt; Morocco and Jarra; 
Sec. that is, at 16,3 per day, produce 652 G. miles. The in- 
tersection of this line with that from Ghana, places Ghana in 
lat. 16° 10' long. 13 Q 2' E of Greenwich ; in which posi- 
tion it stands at 760 miles from the city of Benin, on the 
coast of Guinea.** 

* Mr. Beaufoy's MSS. «[ Mr. Beatifoy's MSS. 

* Edrisi, p. 39. § Af. Assoc. 1>93, p. 29. 
U Af Assoc. 1790, Q. p. 88 ; O. p. 133. 

* Af. Assoc. 1793, page 29, et seq. f Edrisi, p. 39. 
By some oversight, Ghanna is placed in the map, too far to the 

east, by 8 minutes of longitude. 



APPENDIX. 



De Barros says, that when the Portuguese first explored 
the coast of Guinea (about 1469) the king of Benin held h& 
kingdom of the king of Ogane, as his superior lord ; and 
that ambassadors were sent accordingly, to obtain a confir- 
mation of his authority. The distance of Ogane (doubtless 
meant for Ghana) from Benin was stated to be 250 leagues 
of Portugal, which being of 18 to a degree, are equal to 
about 833 G. miles. And if from these we deduct a ninth 
for the inflections of the road, there remain 740 for the di- 
rect line ; which, as the reader will perceive, is very near 
the former result. Thus the determination of this import- 
ant point appears satisfactory.* 

Before I speak further concerning Ghana and Melli, with 
a view to identify them with the same countries mentioned 
by Leo, it will be proper to close the line of distances east- 
ward to Nubia. 

Between Ghana on the west^ and Dongola on the east,f 
die interval on the map is about 1118 G. miles, in the E by 
N. direction, nearly. Edrisi gives a chain of distance be- 
tween them; and although we cannot ascertain the exact 
bearing of the several parts, yet enough is known, to enable 
us to approximate the general bent of it - 9 which is to the 
south ; and the degree of curvature seems to be such, as to 
increase the distance 50 or 60 miles; say 55, and then the 
line of Edrisi may be taken at 1 173 G. miles. t Now, as he 

* I cannot learn with any degree of certainty, from whence the 
name of Guinea, applied to the SW coast of Africa, is derived — 
Some have supposed it to be from the capital or country of the supe- 
rior monarch, in the interior of the continent ; but it is certain that 
the same name is applied by Sanuto (in 1588) to the coast, between 
the river Gambia and Cape Mesurada. But Sanuto may have taken 
the idea from Leo, who was in an error with respect to the matter cf 
Guinea, at large. 

f Placed as above on the authority of Mr. Bruce. 

$ The chain of bearings and distances is thus ascertained: Edrisi 
allows 66 journies between Ghana and Dongola ; of which 36 are be- 
tween Ghana and Kauga; 30 between the latter and Dongola (Da- 
rn okla of Edrisi.) Of "the thirty -six, eighteen are clearly shewn to 
point eastward ; partly by direct information, partly by the context 
For Kauga is said to be ten journies to the east of Semegonda ; (Ed 
p. 13.) and between the latter and Sekmara, 8 journies, is about E by 
S and W by N ; as we learn from the triangle formed by the points of 
Sekmara, Semegonda and Reghebil ; the latter place being six days 
southward from'the former, and nine from Semegonda. And lastly, 
the 18. journies.. between Ghana and Sekmara, are checked by the 



APPENDIX. 



Si 



*eckon9 66 journies, each will be no more than I7f ; and 
his usual standard is 19, or 1£ more. This difference 
may easily arise on some of the longer portions of the line ; 
which, although given in the agregate, may be broken into 
several parts, and each of them inflected from the other in 
some degree Such, for instance, may be the case of the 
line of 30 days between Dongola and Kauga; although the 
bearing of it, on the whole, is SW by Wj or WSW; there- 
fore the interval of space between Ghana and Dongela seems 
to be satisfactorily filled up. Or, if we take the whole num- 
ber of computed journies between Pisania on the Gambia 
river, and Dongola on the Nile, at 158 ; of which 92 are be- 
tween Pasania ami Ghana, 66 between the latter and Don- 
gola ; there will be on the former, according to our con- 
struction, a ratio of about 16,6 G. miles per day, on the di- 
rect line ; and 16,9 on the latter. 

To the northward of this line, and in the quarter towards 
Nubia, are situated the countries or kingdoms of Bornou 
(or Kanem) Tagua, Kuku, Kuar, and Zagawa; and in the 
quarter towards Ghana are Zanfara and Zegzeg Most of 
them are mentioned, as well by Leo as by Edrisi. 

There is a route to the capital of Bornou given in the 
Proceedings of the Association, 1790-91, by which it is 
placed at about SE^ from Mourzouk, distant 660 G. miles ; 
whence it falls on the map exactly in the same parallel with 
Dongola, and at 524 miles to the west of it ; so that the 
country of Bornou occupies the middle space between Nu- 

bearingand distance between Reghebil and Ghanara, and the distance 
between Ghanara and Ghana. For Reghebil is said (Edrisi,p. 12) to 
lie 11 journies to the east of Ghanara, whilst the latter is also 11 jour- 
nies from Ghana. The context shews, that if Sekmara is 18 journies 
from Ghana, and Reghebil 6 days south from Sekmara, whilst Gha- 
nara preserves the relative position above described, that Sekmara 
must lie to the eastward of Ghana. 

Kauga ought unquestionably to lie to the southward of Dongola, by 
2 J or 3 degrees. For it is 20 journies to the southwardof Kuku 9 
which is itself about the parallel of Tamalma, which is 12 journies 
from Matthan, the capital of Bornou ; northward. And this Matthan, 
as will be shewn presently, lies in the same parallel with Dongola^ 
Thus I may assume, without any great hazard, an easterly bearing 
between Ghana and Kauga ; E 25 N between Kauga and Dongola. 

For the authorities lor the above particulars, see Edrisi, pages 10, 
11, 12, 13. It would be almost endless to note each separate autho- 
rity. 



APPENDIX. 



bia and Ghana ; Fezzan and Sennar * There is little doubt 
that Bornou is the Kanem of EdrisL> said to border on Nu- 
bia. Angimi (or Gimi) in particular, one of its cities, is 
said to be near Nubia on the east.f There is a city of the 
name of Kanem, in the way from Fezzan to the capital of 
Bornou, as we learn not only from Mr. Beaufoy's MSS. but 
from a note in Hartman;^: but this cannot be the capital of 
Kanem, intended by Edrisi; because neither the bearings 
nor the distances to it, from Dongola and Nubia agree ; and 
also, because the bearing and distance from Dongola do 
agree exactly to the capital pointed out by Mr. Beaufoy ; 
and which Edrisi names Matthan, oe Metsan. This capital 
he places at 3,1 days journey to the west of Nubia, whose 
position, however, is top uncertain to reckon upon ; but 
Abulfeda says, that Zangua* or Zegara, is 20 journies west 
from Dcngola ;§ and Matthan, according to Edrisi, (p. 15.} 
is eight journies from Zangua. It has already been noticed 
that the capital of Bornou falls in the same parallel with 
Dongola ; and here we learn that Zagua is also in the same 
parallel with it ; consequently, the whole 28 journies from 
Dongola may be taken on the same westerly bearing ; and 
the result will be, a distance of 534 miles; differing only 
from the interval on the map. Consequently, the Matthan 
of Edrisi may be taken for the capital of Bornou, pointed 
out by the above authority. 

The countries of Zagua (or Zagara) and Tagua, fill up 
the space between the kingdom of Bornou and Nubia.— 
The former appears to be a small province, perhaps a de- 
pendency of Bornou, The situation of its capital is infer- 
red above, to be eight journies to the east of that of Bornou. 

Tagua lies between Zagua and Dongola, and its capital 
at 13 journies from Matthan, (p. 15) Northward it ex- 
tends to the tract of Al Wahat, the western province of 
Upper Egypt. Thus its position cannot be mistaken. 

The country of Kuku (this must not be mistaken for 
Kauga) lies to the NW of Tagua; NE of Bornou; and 
joins on the NE to Al Wahat. This is an extensive coun- 

* The capital of Bornou falls in lat. 24° 32', Ion. 22° 57'. The em- 
pire is said to be very extensive ; and its sovereign more powerful 
?ban the Emperor of Morocco ; Af. Assoc. 1790, Q p. 152 ; O. p. 229. 

t Edrisi, p. 14. .* Hartman's Edrisi, page 63, note (v.) 

§ Article Soudan. 



APPENDIX. 



try, bordering on the Desert of Lybia, and partakes of its 
nature, its capital of the same name is situated at 20 jour- 
nies to the north of Kauga. It is also 14 to the eastward of 
Tamalma, which is itself 12 to the northward of Matthan. 
Hence Kuku may be approximated, in position. (Edrisij 
page 13, et seq.) 

A river runs from N to S by Kuku and is received into 
a lake at a great distance from Kuku ; perhaps the lake of 
Kauga ; and the river itself may form a pari of that, said to 
run near Angima,* of which more in the sequel. 

Kuar, or Kawar, lies to the northward of Kuku and of 
Bornou; and extends eastward to Al Wahat. It is bound- 
ed on the north by that extensive Desert which separates 
Egypt from Fezzan ; and which contains the wandering 
tribe of Lebeta or Levata; as also various Oases, or fertile 
islands ; among the rest, those of Augela, Berdoa, Seewah, 
and that which contained the temple of Jupiter Ammon. 
This Desert I regard as the proper Desert of Lybia; and it 
may be a question whether the tribe of Lebeta, although 
now found in the interior of the country, may not have ori- 
ginally inhabited the sea coast ; and that the Greeks de- 
nominated Africa from them.f This was the part of Afri- 
ca the nearest, and first colonized by the Greeks ; and it is 
a known fact, that the Adyrmachidoe, and Nasamones, who 
in the days of Herodotus, inhabited the coasts, where at a 
succeeding period, found in the inland parts about Ammon 
and Augela. 

The capital of Kuar is by Edrisi placed adjacent to Fez- 
zan ; but there is either some mistake in this, or I do not 
comprehend the matter rightly (Ed. p. 39, 40.) Tamalma, 
a city of Kuar, is only 12 days from Yiatthan (p. 14.) so that 
the Desert of Bilmaor Bulma must lie between it and Fez- 
zan. Mederam Isa, another of its cities, is said to be only 
two days from Zuelaor Zawila, a city of Fezzan ; and Iser, 
a third city, is placed in the same neighborhood, and near 
a large lake. Either then these cities belong to Fezzan, 

* Angimi is a city eight days journey from Matthan, six from Za- 
gua ; and towards Nubar and the Niger ; consequently to the SE of 
Matthan ; and apparently, not far to the northward of Kauga. Edrisij 
p. 14. 

-f Mr. Park mentions a wandering tribe named Libey, whom he had 
seen in his travels. He compares them, in respect to their habits and 
modes of life, to gypsies. 



63 



APPENDIX. 



and are by mistake classed as belonging to Kuar ; or tliey 
really belong, as well as Tamalma, of which there is no 
doubt, to Kuar. I am inclined to the latter opinion, for the 
following reasons : In the catalogue of places in Fezzan, 
(in Af Assoc.) there is no mention either of Iser, Isa, Bul- 
mala, or of a lake near the former. But there isa remark* 
able salt lake near Dumboo, on the northern frontier of 
Bornou, which from its relative position to Tamalma, may 
well be the one intended by Edrisi ; especially as Bulmala, 
(p. 40) which he meant for Bulma, occurs in the same 
neighborhood. The salt lakes of Dumboo are said to be 
situated in the Desert of Bilma ;* which Desert appears to 
be a prolongation of the Lybian Desert to the SW* 

Zanfara is said by Labat, to be 50 journies from Tom- 
buctoo.f Leo places it between Wangara and Zegzeg, 
which latter, by the same authority, being to the S E of 
Cano (or Ganat) Zanfara must necessarily border on the 
NE of Ghana ; having Bornou on the east, Agadez and Kas- 
sina (which we formerly erroneously spelt Cashnah ) on the 
west. Here it may be proper to observe, that in the pre- 
sent political division of Africa, Kassina comprizes gen- 
erally, the provinces between the Fezzan and the Niger ; 
and that Zanfara is its eastern boundary. Of course Ghana, 
which in the 15th century was paramount in the centre of 
Africa, is now become a province of Kassina. 

To the south of the line between Ghana and Nubia, very 
few particulars are known to Europeans. The knowledge 
of Edrisi was limited to this line itself; and the only coun- 
try known to him on the south of the Niger was ■ elli, 
which he calls Lamlem. Nor did the knowledge of Leo 
extend beyond the countries contiguous to the south bank 
of the Nip-er ; nor to any country west of Tombuctoo ; al- 
though, by mistake, he places Ghana and LVielti there — 
This may serve to shew, that the people on the north side 
of the Niger? have very little communication with those 

* From the borders of these lakes, Kassina and other countries are 
supplied with salt by the people of Agadez, who annually employ 1000 
cam?ls in this commerce. Af. Assoc. 1790, Q. 157, 167 ; and O. p. 
236, 251. 

There is reason to suspect, that the great salt lake of Dumboo, & 
the Cheionides Palus of Ptolemy, 
j Labat, Vol. iii. p. 363. 



APPENDIX. 



who live beyond the great belt of mountains, which run 
across Africa, at about the tenth degree. 

Nor did the inquiries of Mr. Beaufoy produce any thing 
more than the names of certain of the adjacent countries; 
the only one of which that can be placed is Begar?nee y per- 
haps the Begama of Edrisi, said to be twenty journies to the 
SE of Bornou, and separated from it by several small de- 
serts.* It seems to be the country intended by the Gor- 
ham of D'Anville. 

Kororofa and Guber are said in Mr. Beaufoy's MSS. to 
lie to the west of Begarmee ; the latter bordering on Wan- 
gara. Neither of these can well be in a lower parallel than 
1 1 or 12 degrees. But Darfoor, a country of considerable 
extent and population, and apparently the farthest removed 
of any that has a communication with Egypt, is pointed out 
to our notice by Mr Ledyard, as has been already shewn/fc 

In the present limited state of our knowledge respecting 
the interior of Africa, it would be mis-spending time to at- 
tempt to follow Leo in his detail of provinces and nations, in 
the parts remote from the immediate scene of our discove- 
ries, or of the routes communicated to the Association. But 
it is of the utmost importance to the argument respecting 
the course of the Niger, that I should clear up some of his 
errors regarding the position of Ghana (his Ginea) and 
Melli. 

Leo says, (p. 248, 249,) that the merchants of his country 
(I conceive he means Barbary) call the country in question 
Gheneoa ; that its proper inhabitants called it Genni ; but 
the Portuguese, and other Europeans, Ginea \ He says, 
that it is situated to the west of Tombuctoo, that is between 
Tombuctoo and Gualata ;§ that it has an extent of several 
hundred miles alon^ the Niger, even tb' f the place where it 
discharges itself into the sea. Again, says he, the kingdom 
of Melli borders on Ginea, southward ; and on the west 
are vast forests, which extend to the sea. And, finally, he 
places the kingdom of Gago to the east of Melli. 

* African Association, 1790 ; Q p. 155 ; O.p. 234. 
f Af. Assoc. See Ledyard's communis ations in Af. Assoc. 1790, 
1791. 

t Abulfeda, Edrisi and Ibn A ! Wnrdi call it ftb^na, and Ganah. 
§ Guaiau is described by Leo to be situated nutes from Tombuc;- 
too, towards Nun., 



APPENDIX. 



Now nothing is move certain, than that the space on the 
west of Tombuctoo and Gago is occupied by nations very- 
different from those of Ginea (by which Ghana is to be un- 
derstood) and Meili ; as also that the space assigned by Leo 
to Ginea, is a remarkably dry, sandy country, being either 
adjacent to, or forming a part of the Sahara; whereas Ginea 
is described by him to be a tract which, during the innunda- 
tions of the Niger in July, August, and September, is inclo- 
sed like an island. 

It is, however, not improbable that Leo, who it appears 
had visited Tombuctoo, but who certainly never saw the 
Niger, which is about 12 miles beyond it, might confound 
the city of Jenne, which is situated on a small island in the 
Niger, and to the west of Tombuctoo, with the kingdom of 
Ghana (his Ginea) on the east ; but as to Melli, that is 
quite out of the question in respect of any mistake of the 
like kind ; and could only be placed on the west of Gago, 
in order that it might preserve its southerly position in re- 
spec' of Ginea Thus one mistake seems to have produced 
the other. 

The position of Ghana (or Ginny according to Mr. Matra) 
at 40 journies to the eastward of Tombuctoo, has been al- 
ready detailed in page 458. And this is, no doubt, the Ginea 
intended by those from whom Leo collected his information 
respecting the country itself, whose geography he has so 
much erred in. 

The kingdom of Melli had been reported to Cadamosta, 
when he made inquiries concerning the interior of Africa, 
about the year 1455. He was told that Tombuctoo (whose 
general position was not ill described to him, at about sixty 
journies inland from Arguin*) was supplied with mineral 
salt from Tegazza, forty journies to the westward. That 
the same salt mine supplied Melli, thirty journies beyond 
Tombuctoo, the salt passing through the latter placet — 
(We must here suppose that the capital of Melli, called by 
the same name as the country, is meant as the term of this 
journey.) Hence we should naturally look for Meili on the 
eastward of Tombuctoo, as will presently appear, and not 

* He was told that Hoden, or Whaclen, was seventy leagues east of 
Arguin, and Tegazza six journies from Hoden Tombuctoo was 40 
days from thence. Astley, vol. i. p 20, and 577, 57S. 

\ Astley, vol. i. p. p. 578. Some remarks on the salt mines are add- 
ed at tha end of this chapter, 



APPENDIX. 



on the SW, as is expressed in Astley.* No doubt SE was 
meant ; for Edrisi has a city of the name of Malel at ten 
journies to the south of Berissa,t and twelve from the city 
of Ghana ; and this position actually falls at 30 journies to 
the ESE of Tombuctoo, agreeing to the distance reported 
by Cadamosta 

But Edrisi does not call the country Melli, but Lamlem. 
However, it can be no other than the Melli of Leo and Ca- 
damosta ; for Edrisi says, (p. 8 and 11) that it is situated 
to the south of Ghana and Berissa, and has on the east the 
country of Wangara (Vancara) which agrees to the tract 
in which Malel is situated. Hartmann supposes, (p. 39) 
with great appearance of truth, that Lamlem is a transposi- 
tion of Melli ; and I have met with similar instances in the 
translation of Arabic words and numbers. Thus Leo's 
ideas were evidently wrong respeccing the situations of 
Ghana and Melli ; which lie to the eastward of Tombuctoo 
although he places them to the west. The place of Melli 
is occupied, in his description, by Guber (which Mr. Beau- 
foy learnt was to the south of Wangara) whilst that of Gha- 
na remains unoccupied ; unless we suppose it to be included 
in the empire of Tombuctoo, which is implied (p. 254) when 
he speaks of Wangara (Guangara) as being troubled on \he 
west by the king of Tombuctoo, and on the east by him of 
Bornou ; and as he also speaks of Tombuctoo as the largest 
empire in Nigritia, p 4. 

In the position of Wangara^ he is right ; for it lies be- 
tween Zanfara and Bornou ; but he seems not to have known 
that it was intersected by the Niger, and formed of its allu» 
vions, as Edrisi points out to us § But Leo learnt one im- 
portant particular, as a merchant, that the southern quarter 
of it produced gold in abundance. As I shall have occasion 
to speak more fully of this country, when the course of the 
Niger comes under consideration, it will be unnecessary to 
say more of it in this place. 

Kossina is removed by Leo from the banks of the Niger, 
its proper situation, far inland, to the east of Cano, or Ga- 

* Astley, vol. ii. p. 74. 

f Berrissa is 12 journies west of of Ghana. Edrisi. 
i Guangara (Leo.) 
§ Pages 11 and 12. 



APPENDIX. 



nat,* (p. 253.) This is another proof of his writing from 
hearsay. Kassina is not heard of in Edrisi ; it no doubt was 
included in Ghana at that day. 

Leo is silent respecting Tokrur or Tekrur. This ap- 
pears to have been the metropolis of the great central em- 
pire of Africa, in the time of Edrisi and Abulfeda, and must 
have existed in later times ; as the Tukorol, to whose 
prince the Portuguese sent an ambassador about the year 
1493, may be taken for the same place. It may, however, 
have been swallowed up in the empire of Tombuctoo, which 
was founded after the time of Edrisi, and before the date of 
Leo's writing But as the city -of Tombuctoo gave name 
to the empire, so might Tokrur ; and this latter may have 
fallen so much to decay, as to be little known in the present 
times ; and this may account for Mr. Park's not being able 
to learn any tidings of it And, finally, as Leo had not heard 
cf Houssa, we may conclude, that it is a city of a yet later 
date, and which may possibly have superseded Tokrur. — 
Such a fluctuation of names serves as much to confound ge- 
ographers in the poli'ical division of Africa, as the various 
opinions of those who have written on the physical geogra- 
phy do, respecting the relative position of places, and the 
courses of its rivers. 



Re?narks on the positions of the Salt Mines in the Great 
Desert, 

TLdrisi understood that all the salt consumed in the king- 
doms of Nigritia (particularly along the course of the Ni- 
ger) was brought from Ulil, situated at sixteen journies to 
the westward of Sala, and erroneously supposed by him to 
be an island situated in the ocean, near the mouth of the 
Niger.f But by the situation one would suppose, that the 

* It lies to the SSW of A^adez. Af Assoc. Q. p 222 ; O. p. 326. 
M. D'Anville mistook the Cano of Leo (p. .53) situated at 250 miles 
from the Niger, for Ghana But the Ganat of our map* ra the road 
fromFezzan to Ag*adez must be meant, 
f Edrisi, p. 7- 



APPENDIX. 



salt mines of Aroan, ten journies to the NNW of Tombuc- 
too, and in the road to iViorocco, were meant ; and from 
whence Tombuctoo is at present supplied. It is not easy 
to guess how an inland salt mine should have been mistaken 
for an island in the ocean ; but it is certain, that both Edrisi 
and Abulfeda supposed the Niger to discharge itself into 
the sea near the meridian of Tombuctoo. Ibn Al V\ ardi * 
speaks of Ouiili as the principal city of Soudan (or Nigritia) 
situated on the sea coast, and having extensive salt works, 
from which salt was carried to the other stales of Nigritia. 

Mr. Park mentions the city of Walet, capital of Beero, 
which may, perhaps, be the Ouiili intended by Ibn AI War- 
di,t but it has no salt pits, for the inhabitants fetch salt from 
Shingarin, six journies to the northward of it ; + and Walet 
is more than 24 journies from Sala, instead of 16, as slated 
by Edrisi. 

Cadamosta and Leo, in the third and fourth centuries after 
Edrisi,§ say that the people of Tombuctoo had their salt 
from Tegazza, 40 journies to the westward of that city ; and 
that the salt was carried so far to the east as Melii, which is 
opposite to Kassina. By Tegazza, Tisbeet,*[ the salt mine 
of Jarra seems to have been meant, but is far short of forty 
journies from Tombuctoo. Now, if in the twelfth century, 
salt was procurable so near to Tombuctoo as Aroan, or 
Shingarin (tne salt pits of Walet) why should they have 
fetched it from a place 30 .or 40 days distant in the fifteenth 
and sixteenth ? This requires explanation ; for Edrisi states 
very particularly, that salt was carried from Ulil in boats 
along the Niger, and distributed amongst the nations on its 
banks from Sala to Kauga.ft 

Mr. Beaufoy, quoted as above, says,} J that there is a salt 
lake, or lakes in Bornou ; from whence Agadez, Kassina, 
and certain states on the south of the Niger are supplied.— 
This, at least, implies that there are no saltmines in the De- 
sert, in the quarter east of Tombuctoo. 

* Hartman's Edrisi, p. 29. 
j Ouiili, Oualet. 
± Mr.. Park's MS 3. 

§ Edrisi wrote in the twelfth century ; Cadamosta in the fifteenth, 
and Leo in the sixteenth. 
$ Mr. Park's MSS. ft Edrisi, p. 7. 

it Af. Assoc. 1790 ; Q.p. 157, 167; O. p. 236, g*L 



?4 



APPENDIX. 



CHAPTER VI. 

The subject continued. Course of the river Niger at large $ 
has no communication with the Nile. Ptolemy's descrifi* 
Hon of it consistent. 

THE course of the Niger (or Joliba) as we have seen, is 
established by ocular demonstration, as far as Silla, and 
may, I conceive, be admitted as far as Houssa, about 400 
miles farther to the east, on the foundation of the informa- 
tion collected by Mr Park ; since it agrees with the ideas 
communicated to Mr. Beaufoy, by an intelligent Moorish 
merchant, who had navigated the river ; and as it agrees no 
less with the report of Mr. Magrah, obtained from Moorisli 
merchants at Tunis ; and of Maj. Houghton from Bambouk. 
Thus the first 700 G. miles of its course are from west to 
east; or rather from WSW to ENE. There remains then, 
a space of more than double that distance, between Houssa 
and the nearest part of the Egyptian Nile, near Dongola ; 
and yet more, to the known parts of the White river, or 
Abiad, the SW branch of the Nile. 

I shall divide the matter, respecting the course of this 
river, into three heads. 1. Respecting the continuity of its 
waters, from Houssa on the west, to VVangara on the east ; 
without regard to the direction of the stream. 2. Respect- 
ing the positive direction of the stream. And 3. Concern- 
ing its termination. 

I. Respecting the continuity of its Waters. 

Edrisi gives the most positive information concerning the 
course of the Niger, or Nile of the Negroes, from east to 
west ; deriving it from the same lake through which the 
Egyptian Nile passes ; and describing it to terminate at 1 6 
journics west of Sala (that is a little to the west of the posi- 
tion occupied by Tombuctoo) and near the supposed island 
of Ulil before mentioned.* He thus cuts off about 1000 
miles of the breadth of Africa This was an error com- 
mon to all the ancient geographers, as well as to those of 
Arabia; for Ptolemy places the mouth of the Senegal river 



* Page 7 of Edrisi. 



APPENDIX. 



75 



only two degrees more to the west, than Edrisi does that of 
the Niger. 

Abulfeda believed, with Edrisi, that the Niger had a com- 
mon source with the Nile, and ran westward * 

It is certain, that these opinions furnish no proofs of con- 
tinuity of course; but it may be supposed that there was 
some foundation for them ; especially as Edrisi says, that 
salt was carried upon the Niger in boats from the island of 
Uiil, and distributed to the people on its banks, from Sala 
to Wangara, and Kauga.-f 

Mr. Matra was told} that from Kabra, the port of Tom- 
buctoo, u people sometimes travelled along the river the 
space of 40 cays, to Gmny (Ghana) a large city," See. 

The Moorish merchant, with whom Mr. Beaufoy con- 
versed, and whom he speaks of as a clear and intelligent man, 
says, " That the country of Guinea, or Ginny, is on the 
same river with Houssa." (Mr. Beaufoy's MSS.) 

Edrisi, besides, mentioning the cities of Sala, Tokrur, 
Berissa, Ghana, and Ghana ra, all of which he says are situ- 
ated on the Niger, remarks that the country of Wangara, 
to which Ghanara belongs, is surrounded by that river,§ as 
it would appear by means of a subdivision of its waters : for 
Gatterer says, that Ghanara, one of its cities, stands on the 
western arm of the Guin,1t by which name he mentions the 
Niger; of which more presently. Now, as Wangara ex- 
tends, according to Edrisi, 300 Arabic miles along the 
river,** this extent, together with the distance of Wangara 
from Ghana, eight journies,tt or 152 miles, make up 496 
G. miles of the course of this river, eastward from Ghana ; 
which being itself 500 miles east of Houssa ; there will be 
969 miles in direct distance, traced eastward of Housa ; or, 
on the whole, as Houssa is 700 miles below the source, 
about 1670 G miles of water-course from the head of the 
Niger, above Manding to the eastern extremity of Wan« 
gara ! 

In addition to these authorities, I may state from Leo 3 
that the people of Tombuctoo convey their merchandize in 
"boats (or rather canoes) to Ginea, by the Niger; and that 

* Article Soudan. 

t Edrisi, p. 7. * Mr. Beufoy's MSS. 

$ Edrisi, p 11 and 12. ^ Hartmann's Edrisi, p. 48, notes. ; 

r ** Edrisi, p. 11. »b. p. It 



76 



APPENDIX. 



at Kabra they embark for Melli also. But it is proper to 

be noticed, that he says (p 249) that this communication 
with Ginea takes place in the rainy season only (July, 
August, September) which would imply a deficiency of 
water for navigation at other seasons.* Leo, however, cer- 
tainly never saw the Niger, although he seems to report 
himself an eye-witness of many particulars relating to it — 
His intelligence is, therefore, often to be suspected ; though 
it has probably happened, that being regarded as an ori- 
ginal author, instead of a compiler, he has given weight to 
the systems of Edrisi and Abulfeda, respecting the course 
of the Niger. 

Gatterer, as I have hinted before, calls the Niger, Guin, 
as well at Tokrur and Ghana, as at Wangara.f Now we 
learn from Mr. Park, that the northern branch of the Niger, 
above Tombuctoo, passes by the town of Jinbala, and col- 
lect also from Labat, that it is named the river of Guin ; 
and here we have the same name extended even to Wan- 
gars a presumptive proof of the prolongation of the same 
river ! 

Edrisi speaks of the same Niger, or Nile of the Negroes,! 
also, at Kauga, 10 journies to the east of Wangara; from 
■which we collect that he must have supposed, that this em- 
anation of the Egyptian Nile, as he supposed it to be, first 
ran to the north and then turned to the west, through Ni- 
gritia. And if any consequence can be deduced from his 
account of the conveyance of salt along the Niger to Kau- 
ga, where the catalogue of places supplied ends, we should 
conclude that he supposed the navigable part of the river 
ended at Kauga. 

Although there can be no question that a river named 
Nile (or rather Neele) passes through the quarter of Kau- 
ga, Angimi, &c. since Edrisi, Abulfeda and Leo, speak of 
it, yet it would be advancing too far within the region of 
conjecture, in this place, to attempt to decide whether it 
has any communication with the western waters. I shall 
therefore reserve this discussion till the last, that it may 
not be allowed to have any weight in the decision of the 

* If this report of Leo has any particular meaning, and as the river 
in question carries a great body of water at all seasons, one must sup- 
pose that there are falls or rapids in the river when in its low state. — 
Time may discover. 

| Hartman, p. 32, 48, 51. * Edrisi, p. T and 13. 



APPENDIX. 



77 



great question concerning the continuity and direction of 
the Niger. Having, therefore, as I conceive, established 
the fact of a continuation of the waters from Manding to 
Wangara, I shall next proceed to inquire into the authori- 
ties for the direction of the stream. 

2. The direction of the course of the Niger. 

Ocular demonstration has shewn, that its course is to the 
eastwa d as far as Silla; and no reasonable doubt can be en- 
tertained that it continues the same course to Houssa, 400 
miles farther to the eastward, even if the information com- 
municated to Mr. Park could be doubted. For the Moorish 
merchant before quoted, told Mr. Beaufoy that he had him- 
self descended the Joliba, from Kabra to Houssa, although 
he had forgot the exc.ct number of clays employed in the na- 
vigation ; and whether it was 8 or 10 days; Mr Park was 
told 11. But one circumstance dwelt on his mind; which 
was, that u by the favour of a brisk wind, they returned to 
Kabra against the stream, in as short an interval as they 
went down." (This is no new tact to those who are accus- 
tomed to inland navigations, even of the natural kind ) 

The same Moor added, " that from Houssa, going still 
with the stream, boats went to Jinnee* and Ghinea; near 
the latter of which was the sea, into which the Neel, or Ni- 
ger discharged itself" That this Ghinea lies to the east- 
ward of Houssa and Tombuctoo, has been already shewn ; 
and that at the distance of 40 land journies 

Edrisi says that the navigation from Ghana to Tirka, 
which latter is in the way to Wangara, admitted by the same 
authority to lie to the east of Ghanafi is with the stream of 
the Niger,! and if this be true, it ought unquestionably to 
have the same direction all the way from Housa. 

To these notices, of which the most full and positive is 
that of an intelligent person who had visited the spot, are to 
be opposed, the reports of Edrisi and Abulfeda, who wrote 
at a distance, and from the information of others. As to 
Leo, although his declaration is in favour of the two Ara- 

* It is certain that one city of Jinne, or Jinnee, stands above Tom- 
buctoo smd Houssa. 

+ Edrisi, p. 9, 11, and 12. 

i Sionita, p. 12, translates the passage thus: " Via cursum $Jitt 
comitante." And Hartmann, p. 51, " Nilum sequere " 
D'Herbolt understood the same thing j article Vankara. 

F f 9 



78 



APPENDIX. 



bian geographers, yet his authority loses all its weight, by 
his saying that the river runs to the west, by Tombuctoo ; 
a fact which, I presume, no one will be hardy enough to 
contend for. And it will be found, that his descriptions 
do most completely do away his declaration; so that his 
testimony is turned against himself by the very context— * 
For after saying that it runs towards the kingdoms of Ginea 
and Melli, he says also that they lie to the west, in respect 
of Tombuctoo. Now the contrary has already been made 
apparent, in page 463, et sea. so that in fact Leo's descrip- 
tions go rather to prove, that the course of the Niger is to 
the east, than to the west. But after all, his descriptions 
are the result of hearsay, rather than of observation ; and it 
is plain, that his idea of the course of the Niger, was regu- 
lated by the supposed situation of the countries it ran 
through Nor had he in his mind the coast of Guinea, ac- 
cording to our acceptation of the term, when he spoke of 
the country of Ginea ; for in his description of Nigritia, he 
says, that the sea on the south was unknown* to him Thus 
the testimonies appear to be clearly in favour of an easter- 
ly course of the Niger from Houssa to Wangara. I next 
proceed to the question respecting its termination. 

3. Concerning the Termination of the Niger, 
Mr. Beaufoy's Moor farther says, that " below Ghinea 
the sea, into which the river of Tombuctoo disembogues it- 
self." This may therefore be considered as the prevailing 
Idea at Houssa and Tombuctoo, at which places he had re- 
sided, altogether, about 12 years. By the word sea, it rs 
-well known, the Arabs mean to express a lake also, and 
sometimes even a river. Edrisi and others describe large 
lakes in Ghana and Wangaraf- And when Leo says that 
the Niger falls into the sea which borders on Ginea, it is 
not improbable that the lakes of Ghana and Wangara are 
meant ; and that he was under the same mistake here, in 
supposing Ginea to be in the neighborhood of the sea, as in 
what relates to the position of Ginea itself. In other words*. 
£hat hearing from the natives, that the Niger expanded it- 
self into lakes below Ghana, or Ginea, he supposed the 
western ocean to be meant. For it appears, (p. that be 

* Leo p. 2. 

- s See Edrisi, p. 10, U, 12, l& 



APPENDIX. 



79 



had heard that the Niger had its source in the mountains' 
on the west, and running thence to the east, expanded it- 
self finally into a vast lake ; but misled by the supposed 
situation of Ginea, and Melli, he disregarded the informa- 
tion 

He als'o describes Ginea to be a country annually over- 
flowed by the waters of the Niger, but omits to say the 
same of Wangara, to which the description more particu- 
larly applies. It may be, that as Wangara in more early 
times formed a pari of the empire of Ghana, or Guinea ; his 
ideus might have been collected from some history ofthose 
times. I therefore consider his description of Ginea (p. 
284) to include both Ghana and Wangara. 

Edrisi describes three large fresh water lakes in Wan- 
gara, and one in Ghana*. The description of Wangara 
appears to be that of an alluvial country, environed and in- 
tersected by the branches of the Niger, and annually over- 
flowed in August. Perhaps August was the time of the 
highest flood ; for Leo says that Ginea (apply this to Wan- 
gara also) is overflowed in July, August and September; 
which is indeed the season of the swelling of the rivers of 
the tropiacl regions, generallyf. 

From this description may be inferred the very low 
level of the countries of Ghana and Wangara; which level, 
or hollow, forms a receptacle for the surplus waters of the 
Niger, collected during the rainy season ;J and whose per- 
manent lakes, apparently, form receptacles for its waters 
during the dry season also The country of Wangara alone 
is said by Edrisi and Ibin Al Wardi, to have an extent of 
300 miles by 150, i. e. Arabic miles, of 56 £ to a degree ; 
and Edrisi's statement of the distances through it, proves that 
its length lies in the same direction with the course of the 
Niger; that is from west to east§. Now I have no kind 
of difficulty in supposing that any river maybe evaporated, 
provided it is spread out to a sufficient extent of surface ; 
and it may be that the level, or hollow, of Wangara and 
and part of Ghana, may present an extent of surface suffici- 

• Edrisi, p. 10, 12, 13. 

f See Edrisi, p. 11, et. seq. Hartman, p. 47, et, seq. 
i And that probably, not only for the "western waters alone, frst 
f©r the eastern also. 
§ Refer to Edrisi, p, 12 and 1& 



so 



APPENDIX. 



ent to produce this effect * And hence these countries 
must be regared as the sink of North Afi ica} at ciii sea* 
sons. No doubt the inhabitants are amply repaid bv the 
fertility produced by the deposition of the waters ; but be- 
sides this, in the southern quarter of Wangara, they collect 
an incredible quantity of gold sand after the waters are gone 
off, which is carefully sought after as soon as the rivers re- 
gain their beds.f 

It may be proper to observe, that according to the estima- 
tion which we ought to make, of the quantity of water col- 
lected into the i\iger,it ought not to bare a proportion to that 
collected into the tropical rivers of Asia; since it receives 
no branches but on one side. Of course, it does not drain 
so great a surface of country as those which receive them 
on both sides Moreover, it drains only the tract situated 
to leeward of the great chain of mountains which opposes 
the main body of the clouds ; so that more water is dis- 
charged by the south, by the rivers of the coast of Guinea, 
than by the inland rivers; or by those of Senegal and 
Gambia 

Ben Ali reported to Mr. Beaufoy, that " it was believed, 
that the Tombuctoo river terminated in a lake in the 
Desert " 

On the whole, it can scarcely be doubted that the Joliba, 
or Niger terminates in lakes in the eastern quarter of 
Africa; and those lakes seem to be situated in Wangara 
and Ghana. That it does not form the upper part of the 
Egytian Nile, may be collected from two circumstances ; 
iirst the great difference of level that must necessarily 
exist between the Niger and the Nile, admitting that the 
Niger reached the country of Abyssinia. For by that time 
it would have run at least 2300 G miles in a direct line, 
and near 2000 after it had descended to the level of Sahara, 
or G« eat Desert. And the Nile, at the point where the 
^hite river (which alone be taken for the Niger, if the 

* There are many instances of this kind. In particular, the Hind- 
men, or Heermund, a very considerable river of Sigistan, terminates 
in the lake of Zurah (Avia Palus.) The lake is about 100 miles long, 
and 20 broad at the widest part ; and is said to be fresh. The country I 
it flows through, has all the characteristics of the alluvial tracts., at I 
the mouths of great rivers ; as Egypt, Eenegal, &c and is environed 
by mountains. This was the celebrated tract which is said to have 
formed the appanage of Rustum ; and whose inhabitants, from the 
jelief they afforded to Cyrus, were named Eiu gets by Alexander 

j Edrlsi, p. \2. B'Herbelot 3 article Vankara, 



APPENDIX. 



idea of a junction be admitted) falls in, has more than a 
thousand such miles to run before it reaches the sea; and 
has, moreover, two or more cataracts to descend in its way. 
Besides, Abyssinia is positively a very elevated tract. 
Mr. Bruce, (vol. iii. p 642.) inferred from his barometer, 
that the level of the source of the Nile, in Gojam, was 
more than two miles above the level of the sea ; and this 
is repeated in pages 652 and 712; where he says u fully" 
two miles. 

Again, in p. 719, he says, that the flat country of Sennar. 
is more than a mile lower than the high country of Abys- 
sinia, from whence (says he) the Nile runs with " little de- 
scent" into Egypt- Hence the country of Sennar, and the 
mouth of the White river, of course, may be reckoned 
about a mile above the level of the sea. It may, however, 
be asked how this agrees with the idea of an easy descent ?* 

The second circumstance is, that the Niger throughout 
the tract of Nigritia, in common with all the rivers of that 
region, swells with the periodical rains, and is at its highest 
pitch when the Nile is under the like circumstances in 
Egypt. Now considering how long a time it would require 
for the waters of the Nigritia to reach Egypt, the effect 
ought surely to be, that instead of what happens, at present, 
the Nile ought to be kept up to nearly its highest pitch, a 
very long time after the Niger. 

Nor can I believe with P. Sicard and M. D'Anville, that 
the waters of Kauga and Bornou communicate with the river 
of Egypt. P- Sicard, it appears, had learnt from a native of 
Bornou, that the river which passed the capital of his coun- 
try, communicated with the Nile, during the time of the 
inundation, by the medium of the Bahr Azrac, or Blue 
River.f M. D'Anville supposed this Nile to be meant for 
the river of Egypt; and the communication to be effected 

* Mr Bruce mentions eight cataracts of the Nile; of which, two 
only are below Sennar. (Vol iii. p. 644, et seq.) M. D'Anville marks 
tliree within the same space. The principal cataracts are those form- 
ed by the abrupt descent from the upper level of Cojam, to the inter- 
mediate one of Sennar ; one of them being" 280 feet. (See pag;e 647.) 

-j- Mem. Acad. Inscrip Vol. xxvi. p. 67. Azrac, or blue, is a term 
applied to certain rivers by the Arabs, as Melas, or Black, by the 
Greeks. It is applied in Abyssinia to the eastern branch of the Nile, 
seemingly in contradistinction to the Bahr Abi ad, or White River; 
whose waters are muddy, whilst those of the other are remarkably 
clear, 



APPENDIX. 



by the medium of the lake of Kauga ; and that it flowed in- 
to the White River opposite Sennar. But the space of se- 
veral hundred miles, which intervenes between this lake and 
the White River, is very unfavourable to such an opinion ; 
even if the levels could be supposed to allow it. I rather 
conceive that Sicard, not aware of the extensive application 
of the term JVeel or Nile, which in Africa seems to mean 
any great river, concluded that the river of Egypt alone 
could be intended ; whereas, I have no doubt but that the 
river which passes near Kauga and Angimi, was meant ; no 
matter whether it joins the Niger, or otherwise ; for Edrisi 
says, that Angimi, in Kanem, situated near the borders of 
Nubia, is only three journies from the Nile, implied to be 
that of the negroes, that is the Niger.* But Angimi must 
be more than 20 journies to the westward of Dongola, situ- 
ated on the Egyptian Nile; for Zagua is 20 journies from 
Dongola to the west,t and Angimi 6 from Zctgua,^ in a di- 
rection, which, at least, increases the distance. Besides, a 
river of the name of Nile, or Neel, passes by Kauga,§ which 
is 30 days to the south-westward of Dongola; and appa- 
rently about 6 from Angimi. Doubtless this is the Nile 
intended by the informant of P. Sicard ; and can have no 
relation to the Egyptian Nile, otherwise thaa in name. 

But in the notices respecting the western course of a 
river, or rivers, from the confines of Nubia, Bornou, &c. 
I think 1 perceive abundant reason for belief, that such a 
course of waters does really exist; although, perhaps, not 
exactly in the mode described.** There are notices of a 
considerable river in Bornou, or Kanem, called the Wad- 
al-Gazel, or river of, the Antelopes, said to join the Nile 
during the time of the inundation ;tt of another at Kuku, 
more to the north, said to take its course southward to the 
Nile. || Also, of a Nile near Angimi and Kauga, before 
spoken of. And finally, Edrisi§§ says, that a branch of the 
Egyptian Nile, issuing from the great lake at Tumi, in the 
south, forms the head of the Niger, cr Nile of the Negroes 

u 

• Edrisi, p. 14. f Abulfeda, article Soudan. * Edrisi, p. 14. 
§ Edrisi, p. 7. 

** I am aware that Mr. Beaufov was told that the river of Bornou 
runs to the NW into the Desert of Bilma. [Af As. Q. p. 142 ; O. l 245,] 
ff D'Anvilie Mem. Inscrip. Vol. xxvi. p 67. 
* T i Edriss p. 13. §§ lb p. 16. 

^ It appears that a report of the same kind was communicated to Mr. 



APPENDIX. 



Here it is well well worth remarking, that Ptolemy de- 
scribes a branch springing from the SE, about the parallel 
of 10°, and amongst the Nubi, which branch flows into the 
Gir, a river distinct from the Niger, and appearing to an- 
swer to the river ofBornou, 8tc. This accords exactly with 
Edrisi's idea ; only that it does not flow from the same lake 
as the Nile, separated from it only by a mountain. But M. 
D'Anville, in my idea, interprets very fairly the scope of the 
intelligence furnished by Edrisi, by supposing that the sour- 
ces of the two rivers, or the courses of them, were separated 
only by a ridge of mountains.* 

Leo says, that the head of the Niger is within 120 miles 
of the country of Bornou, and in the Desert of Seu ;f but 
these notices must be regarded as extremely vague. 

Certain it is, that if the eastern waters of Nigritia do not 
run into the Nile, of which, in our idea, there does not ap- 
pear a shadow of probability, they must either be evaporated 
in lakes or lost in sands. The lake of Kauga offers itself in 
a position very convenient for the purpose, and a river taken 
by Edrisi for the Niger, is actually said to pass near it.— 
It has also been shewn, that in the idea of Edrisi, the Kauga 
lake communicated with the western waters ; but whether 
this is true, or otherwise, it is not possible to decide. 

I do not pretend to follow Ptolemy in his description of 
the rivers in the interior of Africa, with that precision which 
M. D'Anville has attempted : but this circumstance is clear 
enough, that he describes them to terminate, as well as to 
begin, within the continent. The same is to be said of Ag- 
athemerus. 

It is apparent, that Ptolemy has carried the head of the 
Niger 7 degrees too far to the north and about four or more 
too far to the west ; as also that his inland positions in Afri- 
ca, as well along the Niger, as at a distance from it, are yet 
more to the west of the truth. But notwithstanding this 

Beaufov ; namely, that a branch of the Egyptian Nile, runs into the 
Desert "of Bilma. (Af. As. Q. p. 138 ; O. p 209.) There does not, 
however, appear to be any foundation for believing that the Nile sends 
forth any branch above Egypt. AH the notices of this kind may, with 
more probability, be referred to a communication, with the waters of 
Kauga. 

* Mem. Inscrip- Vol. xxvi. p. 66. 
t Page 2, 225. 



APPENDIX. 



geographical error, he proves that he knew many facts rela- 
ting to the descriptive part of the subject. For instance, he 
places the source of the Niger at the mountains of Mandrus 
and among the nation of the Mandori. It has been seen 
that the Joliba rises in the country adjacent to Manding. — 
He marks also a large adjunct to the Niger from among the 
Maurali in the south, answering to the river from Malel,or 
Melli, in Edrisi. To these may be added another particu- 
lar of agreement. The Caphas mountains ot Ptolemy seem 
meant for those of KafFaba, a country nine or ten journies 
to the eastward of Kong ; eighteen short of Assenti, or 
Ashantee, near the coast of Guinea.* But I have a doubt 
where to place Ptolemy's metropolis of Nigritia, in modern 
geography. His ideas, however, corroborate in the strong- 
est manner, the present system of geography. 

Amongst the eastern waters, the Gir of Ptolemy seems 
to be recognized in the river of Bornou and its adjuncts ; 
the Niger, in that of Tombuctooand Wangara The Pana- 
gra of the same geographer answers to Wangara ; and his 
Libya Palus, which forms the termination of the Niger east- 
ward, seems to be meant either for the largest of the lakes, 
or for the lakes of that country, of which there are several 
collectively. In is no impeachment of this opinion, that the 
Libya Palus is placed so far to the west as the meridian of 
Carthage, whilst the lakes of Wangara appear to be in that 
of Cyrene ; for Ptolemy carries the river Gir, and the capi- 
tal of the country which represents Bornou, into the centre 
of Africa, by which he has shortened the course of the Ni- 
ger in the same proportion as he had extended that of the 
Gir, or Wad-al-gazel. Modern geographers, to the time 
of D'Anville, were guilty of the same kind of error. Ghana 
is about six degrees too far west in Delisle's map. 

It may be best to omit any further remarks on Ptolemy at 
present, and to wait the result of future discoveries, in the 
mean time, those who are curious to read M. D'Anville's 
Memoir, on the subject of " the rivers in the interior of Af- 
rica," will find it in the Mem. Acad. Inscrip. vol. xxvii. 



* Af. Assoc. 1790, ch. xiL 



APPENDIX. 



CHAPTER VII. 

"Observations on the physical and political geography of 
North Africa ; naturally divisible into three parts ; pro- 
ductive in gold. Boundary of the Moors and Negroes i 
the Foulahs, the Leuccethioftes of the ancients, 

^jpO our view, North Africa appears to be composed of 
three distinct parts or members. The first and smallest, is 
a' fertile region along the Mediterranean, lying opposite to 
Spain, France, and Italy, commonly distinguished by the 
name of Barbary ; and which, could we suppose the west- 
. ent bason of the Mediterranean to have once been dry land, 
(bating a lake, or recipient, for the surrounding rivers,) 
might be regarded as a part of Europe, as possessing much 
more of the European than the African character. 

The second part, is what may be deemed the body of 
North Africa, comprised between the Red Sea and Cape 
Verd on the east and west, and having the Great Desert, 
or Sahara, and its members on the north ; the Ethiopic 
ocean and South Africa on the opposite side. The promi- 
nent feature of this immense region, is a vast belt of elevated 
land of great breadth, often swelling into lofty mountains, 
and runaing generally from west to east, about the tenth 
degree of latitude. Its western extremity seems to be 
Cape Verd ; the mountains of Abyssinia the eastern. To 
the north, its ramifications are neither numerous nor ex- 
tensive, if we except the elevated tract which turns the 
Nile to the northward beyond Abyssinia. Towards the 
south, no particulars are known, save that a multitude of 
rivers, some of them very large, descend from that side, 
and join the Atlantic and Ethiopic seas, from the Rio Gran- 
de on the west, to C. Lopez on the east ; proving incontes- 
tibly, that by far the greatest proportion of rain-water fal^s 
on that side during the periodical season of the SW winds, 
which corresponds in all its, circumstances with the same 
monsoon in India.* 

* A ridge stretches to the south, through the middle of South Afri- 
ca, and forms an impenetrable barrier between the two coasts. M 
Correa de Serra informs me that the Portuguese in Congo and Ango- 
&2L) "have never been able to penetrate to the coast of the Indian ocear- 



*6 



APPENDIX. 



To the north of this belt, with the exception of the Egyp* 
tian Nile, the waters conform generally to the direction of 
the high land, passing at no great distance (comparatively) 
from its base to the right and left ; as if the surface of the 
Sahara had a general dip to the southward.* These rivers 
moreover, receive all their supplies from the south ; no 
streams of any bulk being collected in the Desert. 

In order to produce this effect, there must necessarily be 
<a vast hollow in the interior of Africa, between the high 
land of Nubia on the east, and Manding on the west ; and 
of which the mountains and Desert form the other two sides. 
Nor is this state of things unexampled in the other conti- 
nents In Asia, the hollow, to whose waters the Caspian 
and Aral serve as recipients, is no less extensive than the 
one just mentioned, reckoning from the sources of the 
Woiga to those of the Oxus, which latter has ever commu- 
nicated with the Caspian, either throughout the year, or 
during a part of it ; the difference is, that in Asia a greater 
portion of the hollow is filled up with water than in Af- 
rica. 

The third part is of course the Great Desert, or Sahara, 
and its members ; consisting of the lesser deserts of Bornou, 
Bilma, Barca, Sort, Sec. This may be considered as an 
ocean of SAND,t presenting a surface equal in extent to 
about one half of Europe, and having its gulphs and bays, 
and also its islands, fertile in groves and pastures, and in 
many instances containing a great population, subject to 
order and regular government. The great body, or west- 
ern division of this ocean, comprized between Fezzan and 
the Atlantic, is no less than 50 caravan journies across from 
north to south, or from 750 to 800 G. miles, and double that 
extent in length; without doubt the largest desert in the 
world. This division contains but a scanty portion of islands 
(or oases) and those also of small extent ; but the eastern 
division has many, and some ©f them very large. Fezzan, 
Gadamis, Taboo, Ghanat Agadez, Augela, Berdoa, arc 
amongst the principal ones ; besides which, there are avast 
number of small ones. In effect, this is the part of Africa 

Mr. Bruce learnt (vol. iii. p. 668) that a high chain of mountains from 
6 degrees runs southward through the middle of Africa. He suppo- 
ses the gold of Sofala to be drawn from these mountains, (p 669 ) 

* Circumstances have shewn that it declines to the eastward also. 

t " 4 w ii4 expanse of lifeless, sand and sky V* Thompson, 



APPENDIX. 



87 



alluded to by Strabo ;* when he says from Cneius Piso, that 
Africa may be compared to a leopard's skin. I conceive 
the. reason why the oases are more common here than in 
the west, is, that the stratum of sand is shallower from its 
surface to that of the earth which it covers. In other words 
that the water contained in that earth is nearer to the sur- 
face, as in most of the oases it springs up spontaneously. f 
Can any part of the cause be assigned to the prevalent east- 
erly winds, which, by driving the finer particles of sand to 
the leeward, may have heaped it up to a higher level in 
Sahara than elsewhere ?| 

The springs, no doubt, have produced the oases them- 
selves by enabling useful vegetables to flourish, and conse- 
quently population to be established. That the Desert has 
a dip towards the east as well as the south, seems to be 
proved by the course of the Niger also. Moreover, the 
highest points of North Africa, that is to say, the moun- 
tains of Mandinga and Atlas, are situated very far to the 
west. 

The Desert for the most part, abounds with salt. But 
we hear of salt mines only in the part contiguous to Nigri- 
tia, from whence salt is drawn for the use of those countries, 
as well as of the Morish states adjoining ; there being no 
salt in the Negro countries south of the Niger. § There 
are salt lakes also in the eastern part of the Desert. 

* Page 130. 

j Water is found at die depth of a few feet in Fezzan (Af. Assoc. 
Q. p. 96; O. p. 146.) The same is said by Pliny concerning this quar- 
ter of Africa, lib. v. c 5 But farther to the NW. on the edge of the 
I)?sert, and in the country of Wadreag, in particular (Shaw. p. 135) 
weiis are dug to an amazing depth, and water mixed with fine sand, 
springs up suddenly, and sometimes fatally to the workmen. The 
Doctor tells us that the people call this abyss of sand and water, "the 
sea below ground." Exactly the same state of things exists in the 
country round London, where the sand lias in several cases nearly fill- 
ed up the wells. (See Phil, trans, for 1797.) The famous well lately 
dug* by Earl Spencer, at Wimbledon, of more than 560 feet in depth, 
has several hundred feet of sand in it. 

+ Ships that have sailed at a great distance from the African coast, 
opposite to C. Blanco and C. Bajador, have had their rigging* filled 
with fme sand when the wind blew strong off shore The accumu- 
lation of the Bissago shoals may have been partly owing" to this cause 
also. They occupy the position where a great eddy of the general 
southerly current takes place between C. Vera and Shebro. 

§ This quality of the African Desert was familiarly known to Hero- 
dotus (Melpom. c. 181, et scq.) He knew also that there was sal 



as 



APPENDIX. 



The great ridge of mountains and its branches are very 
productive in gold, but more particularly in the quarters 
opposite to Manding and 4 Bambouk on the west, and Wan- 
gara on the east. It may perhaps admit of a doubt, whether 
the gold is brought down at the present time by the nu- 
merous fountains that form the heads of the Niger and Se- 
negal rivers \ or whether it has been deposited in the lower 
parts of their beds at an earlier period of the world ; and 
that the search, instead of being facilitated by the periodi- 
cal floods, is, on the contrary, only to be pursued with 
effect when the waters are low. 

Tombuctoo is reckoned the mart of the Mandinga gold, 
From whence it is distributed over the northern quarters of 
Africa by the merchants of Tunis, Tripoli, Fezzan and 
Morocco, all of whom resort to Tombuctoo. Most of it, 
no doubt, afterwards finds its way into Europe. It may be 
remarked also, that the Gold Coast of Guinea, so called, 
doubtless, from its being the place of traffic for gold dust, 
Is situated nearly opposite to Manding ; but whether the 
gold brought thither, has been washed out of the mountains 
by the northern or southern streams, I know not ; it may 
he by tyoth ; for a part of the gold of Wangara is brought 
for sale to the southern coasts.* Degombah, another 

In abundance in the northern parts. But as it would appear that the 
inhabitants in that quarter could furnish themselves with salt of a 
better quality from the sea, the mines are not wrought. 

* Some writers have said that there are gold mines in the neighbor- 
hood of Mina, on the Gold Coast ; others, that the gold is rolled 
•town by the rivers to that neighbourhood. Both may be true. 

It is difficult to conceive any other adequate cause than the ex- 
change of the gold of the inland countries, for the introduction of 
so vast a Quantity of kowry shells, which are carried from Europe to 
the coast of Guinea, and pass for small money in the countries along 1 
N iger, from Bambara to Kassina, both inclusive. 

J am in formed from authority, that about 100 tons of kowrics are 
Einnuaijy shipped from England alone to Guinea. These are originally 

ported from the MaldWe islands into Bengal, and from Bengal into 
Ingland. In Bengal 2400, more or less, are equal to a shilling- ; and 
yet notwithstanding the incredible smailness of the denomination, 
some articles in the market may be purchased for a single kowry. But 
inland parts of Africa, they are about ten times as dear ; vary- 
ing. froroS 20 to 280. Mr. Beaufoy was told that in Kassina, they 
•.vent at the rate of about 250 : and Mr. Park reports that they are 
about the same price at Sego; but cheaper at Tombuctoo, which is 
abotft the centre Kowry country : dearer towards Manding, winch 
5 the western extremity of it- Hence they are probably carried in 



APPENDIX. 



89 



country, said to be very productive in gold,* must, by its 
situation, lie directly opposite to the Gold Coast ; for it 
lies immediately to the east of Kong (the Gonjah of Mr. 
Beaufoy, and the Conche oi D'Anville)t The people of 
Fezzan trade to Kong. 

The triangular hilly tract above commemorated (p. 427) 
which projects northward from the highest part of the belt, 
and contains Manding, Bambouk, Sec. is also abundant in 
gold; particularly in the quarter towards Bambouk, where 
it is found in mines; and that chiefly in the middle level}.- 
(See also p. 427.) 

Wangara appears to have been in its time, nearly as 
rich as Manding in this metal. The Arabs name it Belad 
al Tebhr, or the country of gold.§ Edrisi, Ibin al Wardi, 
and Leo, bear testimony- to its riches. They say that the 
gold is found in the sands, after the periodical inundation 
of the Niger, (which is general over the country) is abat- 
cd.^f Leo, alone,** says, that the gold is found in the 
southern quarter of the kingdom ; which appears very 
probable, as the mountains lie on that side ; so that it may 
be concluded, that the gold sand has not been brought there 
by the Niger, but by smaller rivers that descend immedi- 
ately from those mountains. That a part of Wangara is 
bounded by mountains, we learn from Edrisi; for the lake 
on which lleghebil stands has mountains hanging over its 
southern shore. ft 

It is supposed that most of the countries bordering on 
these mountains, share in the riches contained within them, 
by means of the rivulets. || But considering how amazing- 
ly productive in gold the streams of this region are, it is 

the first instance to Tombuctoo, the gold market ; and thence dis- 
tributed to the oust and west. Their circulation seems to be confined 
between Bornou and Manding*. In Bornou they have a coinage cf 
base metal, 

f Af*. Assac. Q. p. 176? O. p.264. 

I Mr, Park says that Kong 1 signifies mountain in the Mandinga 
language ; which language is in use from the frontier of Bambara* to 
the western sea. 

+ Labat, vol. iv. ch. 2. 

§ Racui and Herbelot ; article Vankara. 
See Edrisi, in particular pages 11 and 12. 

** Page 254. ff Edrisi, page 12. 

it Mr. Bruce vol. iii. p. 647, says the same of the mountains of 
I>yre and Tegela^ which are a continuation of the great belt towards 
Abyssinia, 

Gg2 



APPENDIX. 



wonderful that Pliny should not mention the Niger amongst 
the rivers that roll down golden sands; for although he 
speaks of the Tagus and others, in different quarters, no 
African river is mentioned.*. And yet Herodotus knew 
that the Carthaginians bartered their goods for gold, 
with the Africans on the sea coast, beyond the Pillars of 
Hercules, which was contrived without the parties seeing 
each other.f 

The common boundary of the Moors and Negroes in 
Africa, forms a striking feature, as well in the moral as 
the political and physical geography of this continent. 
The Moors, descendants of Arabs, intermixed with the va- 
rious colonists of Africa, from the earliest to the latent 
times, overspread the habitable parts of the Desert, and 
the oases within it; and have pushed their conquests and 
establishments southward ; pressing on the Negro aborigi- 
nes, who have in several instances retired to the south- 
ward of the great rivers ; but in others, preserve their 
footing on the side towards the Desert ; according to the 
strength or openness of the situation. It is probable, how- 
ever, that the Negroes, who are an agricultural people, 
never possessed any considerable portion of the Desert, 
••yhich is so much better suited to the pastoral life of the 
JVJoors* It appears as if matters had not undergone much 
change in this respect, since the days of Herodotus; who 
fixes the boundary of the Libyans and the Ethiopians, in 
other words, of the Moors and Negroes, near the borders 
of the Niger; and he apparently pointed to the quarter in 
which Kassina or Ghana are now situated t 

The Negroes in the western quarter of the continent, 
are of two distinct races, of which the least numerous are 
named Foulahs, or Foolahs. These, although they partake 
rnuch of the Negro form and complexion, have neither 
Their jetty colour, thick lips or crisped hair. They have 
also a language distinct from the Mandinga, which is the 
">revaling one in this quarter. 

* Pliny, lib. xxxiii. c. 4. 
Melpomene, c. 196. 

Br Shaw (p 302) speaks of the same mode of traffic, at present* 
bet ween the Moors and Negroes ; whence the place of traffic ought 
±o be very far removed from the Mediterranean. There is a similar 
.story related by Cadamosta of the exchange of salt for the gold i$ 
Melli, and by Dr. Wadstrom on the windward ceast of Guinjsu 

fcffec Euttrpe, c 3g. and Melpomene, 197. 



APPENDIX. 



The original country of the Foulahs is said to be a tract 
of no great extent along the eastern branch of the Senegal 
river; situated between Mandihg and Kasson ; Bambouk 
and Kaarta ; and which bears the name of Foola-doo, or 
the country of the Foulahs But whether this be really 
the case, or whether they migiu not have come from the 
country within Serra Leona, called also the Foulah country, 
may be a question ; of which, more in the sequel. The 
Foulahs. occupy, at least, as sovereigns, several provinces 
or kingdoms, interspersed throughout the tract compre- 
hended between the mountainous border of the country of 
Serra Leona, on the west, and that of Tombuctoo on the 
east ; as also, a large tract on the lower part of the Sene- 
gal river; and these provinces are insulated from each 
other in a very remarkable manner. Their religion is 
Mahomedanism, but with a great mixture of Paganism $ 
and with less intolerance than is practised by the voors. 

The principal of the Foulah States is that within Serra 
Leona ; and of which Teemboo is the capital. The next 
in order, appears to be that bordering on the south of 
the Senegal river, and on the Jaloofs ; and which is properly 
named Siratik. Others of less note, are Bondou, with 
Foota Torra adjacent to it, lying between the rivers Gam- 
bia and Faleme ; Foola-doo and Brooke, along the upper 
part of the Senegal river; Wassela, beyond the upper part 
of the Niger; and Masina, lower down on the same river, 
and joining to Tombuctoo on the west. 

The Moors have, in very few instances, established them- 
selves on the south of the great rivers. They have ad- 
vanced farthest to the south in the western quarter of Afri- 
ca; so that the common boundary of the two races, passes 
in respect of the parallels on the globe, with a consider- 
able degree of obliquity to the north, in its way from the 
river Senegal towards Nubia and the Nile.* Mr Park ar- 
ranges the Moorish States which form the frontier towards 
Nigritia, together with the Negro States opposed to them, 
on the south, in the line of his progress, in the following 
order : 

The small Moorish state of Gedumah, situated on the north 
bank of the Senegal river, and the last that touches on it,f 

* The common boundary of the Moors and Negroes, is described 
in the map of Mr. Park's route, 
f The Moors appear to be the masters of the northern bank of the 



92 



APPENDIX. 



is opposed to the small Negro kingdom of Kajaaga on the 
south. This latter occupies the extremity of the naviga- 
ble course of the Senegal, terminated in this place by the 
cataract of F'low. 

From this point, the Negro and Foulah states occupy- 
both banks of the Senegal river to its source : and beyond 
that, both banks of the Niger (or Joliba) likewise, to the 
lake Dibbie, situated beyond the term of Mr. Park's expe- 
dition 

This space is divided unequally, between Kasson, a hilly, 
strong country, but of small extent, and which has the 
Moors of Jaffnoo on the north : Kaarta, a considerable 
state, which has Ludmar for its opposite (a country held by 
Ali, a Moorish prince, who is loaded with infamy, on the 
score of maltreatment of the only two Europeans, who ap- 
pear to have entered his country in latter times.) Bam- 
barra, of still more consideration, which has on the north 
the Moorish kingdom of Beeroo, and Messina, a Foulah 
state. 

Here Mr Park's personal knowledge ends ; but he learnt 
that Tombuctoo and Houssa, which succeed in order to 
Massina, and occupy both sides of the Niger, are Moorish 
states, though with the greatest proportion of Negro sub- 
jects ; so that the river may be considered as the boundary 
of the two races in this quarter.* 

Of the countries between Houssa and Kassina we are ig- 
norant. The desert seems to approach very near the river 
Niger in that quarter, whence a Moorish population may 
be inferred. South of the river, we hear of Kaffaba, Gago, 
and other Negro countries ; but without any distinct noti- 
ces of position, and beyond these Melli 

Kassina and Bornou, two great empires on the north of 
the river, appear to divide the largest por tion of the remain- 
ing space to the borders of N ubia, and extend a great way 
to the north ; this region being composed of desert and 
habitable country intermixed, but perhaps containing the 
largest proportion of the latter. In both these empires the 
sovereigns are Mahomedans, but the bulk of their subjects 

Senegal through the greatest part of its navigable course ; the Foulah 
of the southern bank. 

* The Emperor of Morocco is said to have held, at one period, the- 
sovereignty r>f some of the countries on the northern banks of the; 
Senegaf and Niger rivers. Labat, vol. iii, p. So9, speaks of inclu- 
sions made by his troops. 



APPENDIX. 



9? 



e said to adhere to their ancient worship ; that is to say* 
the lower orders are almost universally Negroes.* 

From what has appeared, perhaps the boundary of Nigri- 
tia as it respects the Negro population, may be expressed 
generally and with a few exceptions as follows : Beginning 
from the west, the extent upwards of the navigable course 
of the Senegal river generally ; thence a line drawn to Silla ; 
from Silla to Tombuctoo, Houssa, and Berissa, along the 
river Niger ; and thence through Asouda, Kanem, and Ku- 
hu, Dongola on the Nile. 

Leof enumerates twelve states or kingdoms of Nigritia ; 
but amongst these he includes Gunlata, a tract only 300 
miles S. of the river Nun : as also (Ganat) adjacent toFez- 
zan, and Nubia. Kassina, Bornou> and Tombuctoo are in- 
cluded of course. | 

The kingdom of the Foulahs before mentioned, situated 
between the upper part of the Gambia river, and the coast 
of Serra Leona, and along the Rio Grande, has also a iVJa- 
homedan sovereign, but the bulk of the people appear to be 
of the ancient religion. It has been already said, that altho' 
they are a black people, they are less black than the Negroes 
generally, and have neither crisped hair nor thick lips ; and 
also that they have a language distinct from the Mandinga. 
From the.se circumstances, added to that of situation, they 
appear clearly to be the jLitccethio/ies of Ptolemy and Pliny. 
The former places them in the situation occupied by the 
Foulahs ; that is, in the parallel of nine degrees north, 
having to the north the mountains of Ryssadius, which sep- 
arate the courses of the Stachir and Nia rivers (Gambia and 
Rio Grande) and which therefore answers to the continua- 
tion of the great belt of high land in our geography ; in 
which there is, moreover, another point of agreement, the 
Cajihas of Ptolemy, being the Caffaba of the map.§ 

* Af. Assoc. Q. p. 126 ; O. p. 191. 
f Page 4. 

% The Arabs and Moors call Nigritia by the general name of Soudan. 
By Belad Soudan or the country of Soudan, Abulfeda includes all the 
known part of Africa, south of the Great Desert and Egypt. With him 
Soudan is the southern quarter of the globe. D'Herbelot also allows 
it a wide range. AflTnoo is another term for Nigritia, in use amongst 
the natives themselves. (See also proceedings, Af Assoc. CL p. 164; 
O. p. 254,) 

§ The Soluentii of Ptolemy may also be meant for the Solimam of 
Mr. Park, 



APPENDIX. 



Ptolemy, by the name, evidently meant to describe a 
people less black than the generality of the Ethiopians ; 
and hence it maybe gathered that this nation had been trad- 
ed with, and that some notices respecting it had been com* 
mvmicated to him. It may also be remarked, that the navi- 
gation of Hanno terminated on this coast ; probably at Sher- 
bro river, or sound. And as this was also the term of the 
knowledge of Ptolemy, it may be justly suspected that thit 
part of the coast was described from Carthagenian mate- 
rial * 

Those who have perused the Journal of Messrs Wat* 
^and Winterbottom through the Foulah country in 1794, 
and recollect how flattering a picture they give of the ur- 
banity and hospitality of the Foulahs, will be gratified on 
finding that this nation was known and distinguished from 
the rest of the Ethiopians, at a remote period of antiquity. t 

The contrast between the Moorish and Negro characters 
is as great as that between the nature of their respective 
countries ; or between their form and complexion. The 
Moors appear to possess the vices of the Arabs without 
their virtues ; and to avail themselves of an intolerant reli 
gion to oppress strangers ; whilst the Negroes, and espe 
daily the Mandingas, unable to comprehend a doctrine tha 
substitutes opinion or belief for the social duties, are con 
tent to remain in their humble state of ignorance. The 
hospitality shewn by these good people to Mr. Park, a des 
titute and forlorn stranger, raises them very high in the scale 
of humanity ^ and I know of no fitter title to confer on them, 
than that of the Hindoos of Africa ; at the same time, by 
no means intending to degrade the Mahomedans of India ; 
by a comparison with the African Moors, 

* And it may also have been the scene of the traffic mentioned in p. 
_ 479 ; as Dr. Wadstrom speaks of such a custom in this quarter, at the 

present day 

•J- Pliny (lib. v. c. 8.^ also speaks of the Leucaethiopes, but seems t 
place them on this side of Nigritia. May it not be, that certain tribe 
of Foulahs were then established : as at present, along the Senega 
river * 

FINIS. 

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